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McCarthy's research is innovative in discussing a topic that urgently needs more academic attention; however, her conceptual framework choice that focuses on blogs, and in a dialectic between journalism and bloggers, ends up not opening enough space for fan texts and a detailed examination of them. A perspective that scrutinises such projects and seeks to comprehend them in their own creative dimension may provide the necessary elements so we can understand more properly exactly how such texts augment and supplement the media content produced by mainstream media channels.

This point, which remains rather abstract in McCarthy's discussion, is approached here, not only through the topics, but also, more precisely, from the perspectives adopted in such texts. Lastly, I seek to expand this discussion about the textual productivity of sports fans beyond the discussion about blogs. These fan texts are clearly articulated to the communities behind them, which, in Brazil at least, reached some considerable popularity with Orkut.

This is despite the fact that, as I discussed in Chapter 4, many football supporters used BBSs and mailing lists to interact about their clubs long before Google's Orkut platform was launched in As I previously explained, in , I collected around 7 million messages related to the 12 professional clubs with the largest supporter bases in Brazil 61 posted on Twitter between September and November of that year.

This data was used in previous chapters to analyse distinct aspects of the relationship between new technologies and football supporter cultures. From an analysis of the patterns found in the data sets, one of the important indications was that football-related communities have central supporters who have a great level of cultural authority over their peers.

Many of the central supporters were those producing original amateur content related to their clubs. Besides these fans, I also analysed the URLs being shared in these conversations, and from this, I identified those websites maintained by supporters that were the most shared over this period. Lastly, I also asked the participants for the names of other supporters who were producing original content in a search for a greater variety of modes of expressionfor instance, the fan photographers presented below were not part of the most central or the most shared websites, although they were cited countless times by many of my interviewees.

After this process, 22 fans were invited to be interviewed and 11 accepted. Each semi-structured interview lasted around two hours see Appendix A for the questions and they all took place between May and August It is important to note that the supporters and projects analysed here were not randomly chosen; these interviewees were selected because they had greater influence over the conversations of this community and their projects were highly popular within this particular club's supporter base.

In Table 6. In this analysis, I sought to list 1 the distinct media formats, 2 the motivations that led these supporters to create or take part in such enterprises and 3 the styles and approaches embraced in the texts. Top account on Twitter! Focusing on the information and in technical!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

A radio station still might involve investment in training the creators of WRG took professional sports-announcing courses and a high level of mobilisation because many of them rely on many collaborators. Similar to radio stations, and many times part of them!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

Torcidas of other clubs have also their peculiar selfBcreated names. Wikipedia as well as developing their own projects, such as Matheus Soares 80 , who catalogues historic and rare matches and goals in a YouTube channel that he has maintained since and that has around 1, subscribers and 2.

Although some supporters tend to produce particular types of content, most of the time they are indeed multimedia producers. Rodolpho, who is a writing enthusiast, used to do a podcast for his blog. WRG, which is supposed to be a radio station, in fact has most of its programs in audio-visual format. This material is then made available on their YouTube channel, which as October had almost 7, subscribers and whose videos have been viewed around 3.

In short, many supporters produce content in diverse forms and collaborate with other fans that have distinct skills. As a result, such projects are enriched and usually end up aggregating a variety of expressive modes in each single enterprise. Many fans cite more than one reason, but all of them stress the pleasure that they feel in doing what they do. Roberto Guerra, Eduardo's brother and founder of the radio station, asserts that the task is "pleasurable.

Because if it wasn't, I would have already given up. Chatting about football is good.!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Many people enjoy it and would like to have a place to do it". For Rafael Lima, from Cam1sa Do2e, there is a personal satisfaction that comes with working with something that you like so much.

The pleasure that most supporters mention is strongly associated with the collaborative character of such projects. These projects are built on the contact with other supporters and formed from relationships that are less hierarchical than those found between mainstream media organisations and their audiences. One of the greatest motivations for the supporters interviewed comes from the companionship of other supporters or from the sociability found in the quotidian conviviality with an audience that here is clearly not separated from the producers.

As I discussed in Chapter 5, Simmel was one of the first to seriously take into account the social encounter, the less instrumental act from where what he called sociability can emerge. Sociability is the term used by the German sociologist to refer to a distinct social form that extracts all the serious substance of life leaving only the relationship, the togetherness.

A truly social game, sociability is found in a variety of conversations and playful activities, arising from practices such as playing card games and team sports. Resulting from interactions with no pragmatic purposes, sociability is the essence of association, of the associative process as a value and as a satisfaction in itself.

It is, above all, about the pure pleasure of companionship and differs tremendously from the results of instrumental communication. According to Simmel , the interaction defined by the characteristics of sociability has a self-sufficient content, in the sense that it is the satisfaction of the relationship itself that wants to be nothing but relation that moves such type of encounters. Life stories, jokes and anecdotes that often serve only as a pastime reflect these imperative elements of sociability.

Later, Oldenburg extends Simmel's work discussing places where such encounters tend to happen the 'third places' I discussed in Chapter 5 and reassures us of the importance of such places for the health of communities.

Giulianotti , on the other hand, adopts Simmel's sociology and his concept of sociability to understand the culture around the Tartan Army, group of supporters of the Scottish national football team that emerged in the context of the hooligan culture and became known by their friendly and festive behaviour inside the stadium.

For Giulianotti , the group and its conviviality provide a type of escape from the oppressing modern culture, expressing, in this sense, the importance that Simmel had given to the sociable encounter:To! The production model of WRG does not have any type of monetisation of labour. It does not generate any type of financial compensation for its producers, who are part of a gift economy -they make exchanges with a couple of partners, such as a designer also a supporter who did their website layout in exchange for publicity on their homepage.

Indeed, their expenses are significant, as is the time spent with the production of the programs given the producers' personal and professional pressures. Asked about the reason for continuing with the project, which has been on for three years and counts on many collaborators, Eduardo specifically stressed the importance of the friendships and the pleasure that comes from the pure sociability experienced within the radio station and its community.

To engage in a combination of hobbies. Some of the interviewees stressed that they felt passion both for the club and for their content-production activities. For Leide Botelho, a collaborator at WRG and NotiGalo, her passion for writing is one of the things that motivated her: Among the 11 interviewees, two were journalism undergraduate students, two were professional journalists working in areas other than sport , and one was an advertiser.

Their strong association with studies and work in professional communication expresses rather well how their passion for the club was combined with an interest in the activity of producing media content.!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Other supporters reported motivations of a more political nature. This is the case with Zeca and the abovementioned podcast, Galocast. This supporter has been part of online!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

To produce what was missing and share with other supporters. Most homegrounds and headquarters of popular professional clubs in Brazil are located in big metropolises and that is because football culture has historically developed in association with urbanisation processes everywhere, including in Brazil Damo, Damo, , Giulianotti, ;Taylor, For that reason, the features characterising the supporterclub relationship, and even the club preferences, may be significantly distinct among those living in the capitals and in provincial areas.

Meanwhile, in BH, less than 2. When it comes to media coverage, the existence of regional network affiliates in diverse parts of the states -which produce then content that is relatively distinct from the capitals' networks -simultaneously collaborates and reflects such differences. Then, for those who live in the countryside, but choose to support clubs from the capital, it is harder to follow their teams than if they were living geographically close to the club, in the capital.

The gap in available material for supporters from provincial areas led Rafael Lima to produce original content. Rafael believes that supporters from provincial areas face more difficulties when they are interested in becoming more dedicated supporters. Fan groups often dismantle more easily and the club culture is experienced at a distance in these situations. As a result, the relationship between supporters and clubs is also weaker and football clubs do not occupy such a central position for everyday sociability as they do in the urban areas:!

Some content producers are seen!! Atleticano doesn't miss a Galo's match for anything! The same approach is found in Daniel Teobaldo's work, another photographer who places Galo's torcida at the centre of the narratives and, above all, of that fateful match see Figure 6. Talking as supporters in their texts. This perspective could also be used as a broader approach because it actually defines the texts produced by the interviewed supporters.

However, the specific focus here is the use of more radical and passionate language, which resort most of the time to rivalry, especially to jokes with Cruzeiro supporters, as the raw material for the text. It is a more aggressive style of speech, loaded with qualifying adjectives for both the players of the team and those of the rival.

It is not a simple rude name-calling or an injurious attack to someone's honour; it is rather a discourse that reflects a bar conversation, the rage before a missed goal, and the pure irrationality that surrounds football supporting. According to Leide, this type of radicalism does not exist in the mainstream media; if this content were produced by journalists, it would not be consumed by supporters who cannot handle 'others' speaking negatively about their club.

In the supporters' speech, on the other hand, a higher level of criticism is allowed, even though, for many, this aspect has become a criterion that defines how much of a supporter someone is. The corneta 89 , for some, is only a critic and says the truth about the team at all costs. Wilson Franco also stresses how this radicalism, "a thing of supporters indeed", may often be misunderstood.!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

Embracing a literary perspective. For many of those interviewed, the key example was Roberto Drummond, a writer from Minas Gerais who portrayed, as nobody else was able to, the soul of atleticanos. Elen Campos, who the interviewees very often cited as a representation of this The tone of the text is set in three key ways:!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

Even though the text is about a non-original topic after all, everybody was talking about the match the following day, even supporters of other clubs , its style makes it appear authentic and novel. As Elen explains, her writing process is long: "I can say that my process is dragged out. Because when it reaches the form of a text it means that I have been reading about it, seeing things and discussing it on Twitter for a very long time".

Because the central concern is aesthetic, Elen's texts are highly intertextual, dialoguing with other supporters, with conversations that she has on Twitter, and with other texts and topics. For example, in the post Mas isso era antes 98 But this was before , she openly takes inspiration from the textual structure used by the actor and writer Gregorio Duvivier in his article Mas antes 99 But before. Elen sees her aesthetically focused approach to football as more feminine.

And, coincidence or not, another woman who was interviewed, Leide Botelho, was also mentioned by the other interviewees as representing this type of perspective. On the other hand, the interviewees also referred to male supporters that care deeply about textual aesthetics.

Adopting a critical attitude. Other supporters have taken on a more critical attitude in their work. The focus in this case is often on topics such as the season-ticket program, the media coverage about the club, and political issues surrounding the organisation of tournaments in the country.

As I Today, this perspective is found, for instance, in the already mentioned vlog Espora Afiada Sharp Spur , a type of spin-off of Galocast. Espora Afiada has been produced since , and has, at the time of writing, 49 episodes, 2, subscribers on its YouTube channel and around , views data from October In some episodes, CBF and its controversial actions, racism and police brutality are also discussed.

Most programs are shot at Zeca's place, where he has a small office to work on the project. But, in some situations, he also does some external shooting, like in the above-mentioned example, when he recorded his own experience of exchanging for the first time GNV tickets in the headquarters of the club.

Focusing on the information and in technical analyses. At last, we have the perspective that may be considered the least innovative in the sense that it does not invert that much the logic of the conventional football coverage done through the traditional media. For instance, numerous accounts on Twitter are used, in this sense, as web feed, so that news published in diverse media about the club is collected in only one place.

Many blogs also reproduce -many times in their own words, I must say -the journalistic style of reporting events involving the club e. Some supporters also make technical and tactical analyses that may surpass the ones done by professional journalists because of the deep knowledge that they have about the schemes used by the team over a championship.

Ultimately, content that solely analyses a team's line-up or resorts to reports officially publicised and widely known information such as details about the match kick-off time, venue, opponent, referees and assistants is not very original. In these cases, supporters are doing a similar job to that done by professional media producers. Although this previous research is important for providing elements that help us to understand the particular cultures they address US sports, tennis and gymnastics , here, I sought to explore another sport and context, and to adopt a significantly different approach.

Fundamentally, all of this previous research was developed within the academic field of journalism studies, and included discussions about blogs, also from a journalism-focused viewpoint; my approach, on the other hand, is strongly grounded in the academic field of fandom culture, which is in general more aligned with cultural studies. These theoretical options have many implications. For instance, to some extent, this previous literature adopts normative perspectives that situate sports journalism as the parameter and then search in the blogs for similar content and approaches.

However, in this thesis, I address blogs and other content produced by supporters as expressions of communities and supporting cultures, thus constituting forms of expression that are grounded in norms and values often distinct from those that rule traditional news production. One of the dimensions in which differences of values are noticeable is in the fans' decisions to produce in the texts a 'supporters' viewpoint', which is purposely partial and passionate.

These forms of original reporting may not necessarily be methods traditionally adopted by conventional media; for example, conventional media organisations would not send their reporters over to the middle of the stands, where Rafael Lima goes to tell the supporter's stories. Yet, some enterprises discussed here strongly depend on the very traditional journalistic methods and routines as well. For instance, WRG producers and the photographers interviewed for this research have credentials to follow games in the press sector.

This official registration enables them to do a job under similar conditions to professionals -and the photographers, at least, are indeed professionals; they do not work for traditional media companies and they are not full-time fan photographers, but they sell their products to supporters and other people interested in them.

Furthermore, these photographers have found alternative ways to monetise their activities and create working conditions that are more professional. Because of his reputation and his longtime dedication to the club, in one week, almost supporters made donations that paid his travel expenses. In return, each one of the fans gained high-quality posters with his photos when he got back.

The only one who did not go that often to the stadium did not live in Belo Horizonte. Of the three interviewed supporters who did not live in BH, two said they still attended games regularly anyway. In addition, many supporters I talked to said they also sometimes went to matches in other cities, states and countries three indeed went to Morocco for the Club World Cup last year.

The interviewed supporters did not simply 'mimic' journalism: they adopted the objectivity language of journalism, but recreated it by! For example, at the centre of their stories, they placed their fellow supporters, the social actors with less political and symbolic power within the football field which includes organising bodies, media conglomerates, clubs, sponsors, other companies like stadium managers and so on.

Even though supporters and torcidas have a voice in the mainstream media coverage, they are not that often at the centre of the narratives, which often focus on players, sports leaders and clubs. Indeed, the mainstream journalists' dependency on these regular productive routines going to the training centres and doing the daily coverage of routine events involving clubs and players has kept them away from the unusual, ordinary, passionate and ultimately more engaging stories told by supporters.

Besides that, those texts that 'talk about the torcida' and those that focus on textual aesthetics, especially, are very close to the chronicle genre, particularly the form it assumed in Brazil. McGowan , who studies football literature, argues that fiction works are rather rare if compared with the accumulated amount of non-fiction literature published in this area. He also stresses the importance of such a genre as a creative and imaginative space to understand and explore in a deeper way the sport's place in culture.

Even though there may not be very much fiction produced in the case of football-supporting cultures in Brazil, a fictional element has been activated in combination with the journalistic language as it is peculiar to the chronicle genre itself. Also, the fact that these texts are elaborated within their individual club's fan cultures has led to the development of a more postmodern sporting-chronicle style.

In this new style, grand issues involving the Brazilian society, such as racism, national integration and even the national football squad and its players -topics that were portrayed by the great exponents of the canonical Brazilian sporting chronicle -are replaced by a more fragmented language and less totalising approaches.

In this emerging type of The genre acclimatised so well to Brazil that in the 20th century the chronicler role turned into an occupation, a paid job. For some researchers, the genre underwent such deep transformations when it arrived there, becoming 'brazilianised', that the modern-day Brazilian chronicle along with Cordel literature may be considered two of the few typically Brazilian literary genres Candido, ;Capraro, For El-Fahl , "chronicle, for its hybrid nature, something in-between journalism, literature and history, has always been the subject of controversies, especially when it comes to a confusing theorisation, which in some way has made it harder to include it as a canonical genre" p.

Capraro Ribeiro stresses that during the period of consolidation of the chronicle, when the book publishing industry was practically non-existent in Brazil, the genre anticipated in some aspects the mass culture of the 20th century. A more popular form of literature and the result of two distinct languages -the literary and the journalistic -the feuilleton became a consumer item.

For Ribeiro , the feuilleton popularisation also represented the popularisation of literature in a context in which books were a privileged medium for the literary expression of a cultural elite. Brazilian sporting chronicle, a subdivision within the broader chronicle genre, emerges at first associated with chroniclers who reported diverse topics of the everyday and, among them, football in a style known as colunismo social social columnism Capraro, Despite the term 'sporting chronicle' being used for this style, the vast majority is dedicated to football.

Capraro summarised the central topics and perspectives of Brazilian sporting chronicle over the 20th century: ginga! Now, it is turning into a style that expresses and reflects less about grand narratives such as the national identity and the civilising issue in Brazil as its predecessors to restrain itself to the universes shared by fans of individual clubs.

It is!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! It became popular with Nelson Rodrigues, one of the greatest Brazilian football chroniclers of all time. He also wrote one of the initial epigraphs of this thesis.

After that, the expression became part of the football jargon and is used to designate goals that are distinguishingly hard and of rare beauty and, as such, also deserve a plaque Gol de Placa, In this sense, even football itself disappears, before a narrative that replaces a single culture football culture as a canon to be inspired by diverse cultures of clubs and torcidas, here elevated to the centre of the narratives. I interviewed those supporters running the most popular productions within Galo's supporter base and found out that they were unlike pop-culture fans.

Pop-culture fans often seek to explore alternative plots, less important characters and new narrative lines in their texts, regularly resorting, therefore, to fiction, to dialogue with the universe set in the canon.

However, football supporters build their stories more in contraposition to journalism, as McCarthy also indicated. Fan writers talk about their local cultures and myths; they worship their particular idols; they tell stories about the everyday, always resorting to inside jokes and anecdotes. Indeed, they bring to a hypercommodified and highly globalised culture, a pinch of regionalism and authenticity. In general terms, this project adopts an empirical approach rather similar to most cultural studies: investigating the interplay between lived experiences, texts or discourses, and the social context Saukko, the interplays between these diverse aspects, particularly articulating the discussion in two axes: the structures of the economy, and the subjectivities and meanings attributed by supporters to their practices.

In the first part of the thesis, which deals with the structuring forces overdetermining the Brazilian football industry, I make a critical analysis of the political economy of the sector, and I also use elements of discursive analysis to better contextualise and explore the emergent conflicts that exist in this environment. In the second part, I develop a contemporary cultural analysis that combines digital methods and traditional qualitative strategies to investigate the modes of organisation and expression of football supporters.

In this part, I also resort to discursive analysis and close readings to explore online fan conversations, fan texts and in-depth interviews done with football supporters. Next, I present a summary of the sources and data-analysis strategies used in each part of the thesis see Table 1 For Berry , the computational turn is central in the third wave of digital humanities because it transforms both the object of study and the means of studying it.

The second, on the other hand, was qualitative and interpretative, using the humanities' core methodological strengths to interact with knowledge that was 'born digital' Presner, ;Schnapp, et al. As Berry explains, the third wave has differently focused on how medial changes also produce epistemic changes. Liu, Twitter's API rules, for instance, changed in the middle of the execution of this project, and cases like this create!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

In terms of proper skills, Manovich Manovich's idea, which is very similar to what I am proposing in this thesis, is to combine "the human ability to understand and interpretwhich computers can't completely match yet -and the computer's ability to analyse massive data sets using algorithms we create" Manovich, , p.

Even though Manovich seems to talk more of a combination in terms of data-analysis strategies, I am extrapolating that to datacollection techniques as well. In this sense, a promising way of executing this combination is through the approach proposed by Dixon According to Dixon, the term 'pattern' appears repeatedly in the digital humanities literature; however, its meaning is often taken for granted and not specified.

He argues that the analysis of patterns may be used in research designs that value, but are not limited to, abductive ways of reasoning. As he asserts, "patterns can be justified as part of the process of enquiry in any type of research, but not by themselves as an end; they are part of the process, not the product" Dixon, , p. For Dixon , the recognition of patterns is often a simple solution in the digital humanities to not use the expression 'structure'.

Because 'structure' carries all the structuralism baggage and "it is difficult to escape the connotations that go with it" p. Nevertheless, such recourse does not solve the epistemological issue behind the concept: after all, what are patterns and which type of knowledge they offer?

The solution Dixon found is to locate "the digital humanities among the variety of approaches to knowledge generation" and reflexively understand "the forces which push it around" p. For Dixon , such a tendency may reflect a researcher bias towards these methods, especially because many people who get involved in data-intensive projects are computer scientists, and they are generally more familiar with such methods of inquiry.

Apart from that, such bias may also be related to the nature of the tools and results because the production of data and visualisation approaches have more in common with the hard sciences than with the humanities. As Dixon in the digital era. Because my project adopts a highly contextual perspective that seeks to understand football fan culture in a very specific and changing sociocultural setting, it is the deeper meanings attributed by fans to their practices that interest me.

So, I am more interested in using inductive approaches following the analysis of patterns. The interviews were particularly important for three main reasons. First, they were the best way I found to historically contextualise such communities. This is because many of these fans have been around for a very long time and were key informants who enabled me to understand the historical developments that led these online groups to their current distributed shape.

Second, these fans also provided valuable insights about how such cultures and the activities encompassed by them are organised today. And last, but not least, these fans were fundamental to shedding light on the meanings they attribute to the texts and discourses they produce. Lastly, Dixon , still grounded on pragmatism, stresses the iterative sense of the research cycle if his perspective is adopted -or a strategy that sounds like it is sequential, but it is rather recursive.

Patterns found in large data sets may be used again and again, in cycles of enquiry. Actually, some inspirational ideas I found in my data sets are discussed in the Conclusion of the thesis as future research agendas in this area that I was not able to approach here.

Simmel, Organised supporters experience a distinct type of conviviality in the ordinary meetings at the headquarters or at the associated Samba Schools' courts and, because of that, they generally distinguish themselves from other types of supporter groups. After approaching these formations and their traditional practices, I then turn to more contemporary collectivisms, which have arisen recently in the country and have been called elsewhere new supporting movements de Hollanda, et al.

This chapter is grounded on in-depth interviews that I did with the fans behind such initiatives and in an analysis of the texts they have produced. Teixeira was also the Chief Executive of the Local Organising Committee of the World Cup and, pressured by new allegations and growing concerns with the preparations for the tournament, in an unexpected move, he resigned from both positions. Many football observers highlighted the importance of the online fanbased ForaRicardoTeixeira campaign in helping to achieve what seemed impossible, especially just two years before the mega-event.

Indeed, the campaign's significance led Brazilian cartoonists to illustrate the situation with drawings of Teixeira running away or hiding from Twitter birds Caracciolo, ;Coala, The ForaRicardoTeixeira campaign originally caught my attention because it was something rather different to the usual football supporters' initiatives in Brazil. With a clear political agenda, football fans used the available technologies to organise themselves and demand Teixeira's departure.

To a lesser extent, the fans also sought to question the way the national football sector is organised and the upcoming World Cup event Vimieiro, The campaign did not emerge in a vacuum; rather, it was part of a context of increasing debate over politics in sport, especially, football, in Brazil.

And I was interested in such controversial debates, which were proliferating and taking place in many social networks, including the microblogging website Twitter. But the most significant changes were in the fan practices surrounding and inside the 'arena'. In Brazil, there is a law that prohibits the sale of alcoholic beverages inside the stadiums.

Therefore, it is a rather common practice to drink outside in pubs and on the streets and wait until the last minute before the game to get into the stadium. Inside the 'arena', I noticed more changes. It was not a simple gentrification of the public even though that was also the case , but a!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! More women and families were there, people were better dressed and many supporters were carrying expensive mobile phones.

From to , devices were greatly improved in terms of functionalities. But not many of the football supporters attending matches in would have been able to pay for the most expensive phones available in the market. Galoucura is known for its popular formation, with many of its members coming from low-income regions of the Greater Belo Horizonte.

Nevertheless, many were carrying some of the most expensive and more functional gadgets, taking pictures and making videos during the whole match. And it is important to take into account how expensive electronic devices are in Brazil, especially because of the high importation rates adopted there. Brazil had, for instance, the most expensive iPhone 5s in the world when it was launched Fuentes, In short, it was a more affluent public, in an all-seater stadium, but even those that were part of the old audience were now behaving in a more 'respectable' way.

Of course, at that time, some researchers were already discussing the implications of the new arenas for Brazilian football culture see Barreto and Nascimento , for instance , so, I was aware of such changes. But it was at that moment that I saw, literally on the ground, how the Brazilian socio-economic changes of the last decade including the growing consumer culture among low-income supporters , along with technological transformations and the recent modifications in the football political economy including here, the adoption of FIFA standard arenas were dislocating football fans' ordinary practices.

Those controversies, which I was planning to analyse at first and are discussed in Chapter 3 , had become part of a more complex picture that I had started to see more clearly. As I already argued in the Introduction, such changes are similar to what took place in Europe after the publication of the Taylor Report in The creation of the Premier League in England in is generally seen as a significant moment in the transformation of football into a huge entertainment industry there.

However, Brazil has its own socio-political history and football political economy. The way the Brazilian football supporter cultures came to this particular development is peculiar to this country, to the history of its football industry which is distinct from the historical developments of other entertainment sectors , and to the interplay between these two broader context and singular context of football , particularly in this geographic context.

For instance, football cultures in Europe experienced deep political-economy transformations in the s, and today, in a different historical period, they are responding more clearly to technological changes in the modes of communication between individual fans, and between them and their clubs. In Brazil, these two processes are happening in a more confluent way and that is one of the reasons that both are analysed here as parts of such a conjuncture.

This chapter discusses how this singular context is examined through the pages of this thesis. In the following sections, I review the literature on football fandom, culminating in an argument that calls for more dialogue between sport and pop-culture fandom studies.

My point here is similar to what others have already argued: the study of football supporters, in a media-saturated age, may benefit from more contemporary approaches in the media and communication field. These approaches are already often adopted when it comes to other types of fandom.

I then review the literature on popular culture fandom, and I finish the chapter discussing how a conjunctural perspective is an appropriate framework to analyse cultural practices, especially in the context of the Global South countries. Football supporters have been studied from a sociological or cultural point of view since late in the s.

Especially during the s and s, with the public concern with football hooliganism increasing in the UK, academics found large audiences interested in understanding this type of fan behaviour and sources of research funding, which made this period particularly fertile for this research area Giulianotti, ;Haynes, Most of the studies developed at that time, for clear reasons, examined violent fan groups. Even though violence is still a frequently investigated theme in this field 9 , after the creation of the Premier League and the cultural reorganisation of European football in the s, many scholars turned to what Crawford , has called a 'resistance' approach.

These studies have focused on the new social movements and groups with a more militant attitude toward clubs, teams, governing bodies and football leaders Brown, Brown, , Duke, ;Nash, Nash, , Below, I explore these two major foci of interest in football-fandom research. For Haynes , football and its culture became objects of serious sociological enquiry with Ian Taylor's work aTaylor's work , b. Adopting a Marxist and 'new criminological' perspective, Taylor sought to comprehend the historical changes in the relationship between supporters and the game since the s.

At that time, hooliganism had become a main public concern and Taylor situates the origins of such violence in the transition from a football culture grounded in working-class values to a market-oriented model that started to predominate in England in the post-war period.

Traditionally a male workingclass sport, football used to occupy a peculiar role in the proletarian life. Football was a space that allowed them to strengthen class-based identities and feel that their opinions mattered.

This dynamic provided a type of 'participatory democracy' experience for fans within their clubs. However, with the increasing commercialisation, the traditional supporter bases, comprised mostly by the clubs' surrounding communities, were alienated from club-related decisions. Vandalism, violence between gangs, and the provocation of police and rival supporters were, in this sense, consequences of the ongoing process of gentrification.

For Taylor, rather than gratuitous outbursts, hooliganism was a type of resistance act, resulting from a deep rupture in football dynamics, caused in the first place by complex social and economic changes. These changes had deepened football's commodification, with clubs shifting their "emphasis from satisfying existing 'supporters' to attracting modern 'spectators' or leisure 'customers'" Giulianotti, , p.

For Giulianotti , the major weakness in Taylor's work was its lack of empirical grounding. Taylor has also been criticised for romanticising the conditions of the past Dunning, et al. According to Giulianotti , it is hard to believe Taylor's initial argument that working-class fans viewed clubs as 'participatory democracies' when football has been a serious business since at least the s: "directors have almost always protected their investments rather than pursue the fans' interests by over-spending on players or ground facilities" Giulianotti, , p.

On the other hand, both Giulianotti and Haynes highlight the importance of Taylor's critical observations regarding the changes in the relationship between supporters and the game. In particular, Taylor's analysis of football's commodification, and how spectacularisation, professionalisation and internationalisation were transforming the cultural organisation of football already in the s and s, provides significant evidence of the state of this industry during that period.

Adopting participant observation and in-depth interviews, they sought to provide a counterview to the stereotyped way that groups of youths were portrayed in the media. Football supporters were one of these groups, and Marsh and colleagues explored the internal order of this seemingly chaotic environment. They ended up finding out that rival fans would intimidate one another, but that the threats would rarely be translated into action. Even though real violence would take place sometimes, according to Marsh and colleagues, the exchanges between rival fans would often be limited to ritualised threats and insults, especially to the opponent's masculinity Giulianotti, ;Marsh, et al.

The Oxford scholars argue that 'aggro' social aggravation is governed by particular 'rules of disorder', and that groups of football supporters have a well-structured internal hierarchy. Graduates, the group at the top of the pyramid, were the most respected members who had accumulated experience and no longer engaged into 'aggro' on a regular basis; those that would take care of the action were the Rowdies and they had beneath them the Little Kids or Novices, who would learn the rules and group dynamics with them.

Completing this highly structured organisation, there were the Chant Leaders and Nutters. Within these groups, deviant hooligans those who were interested in harming their opponents would indeed often be considered 'out of order' by their own peers Giulianotti, ;Marsh, et al.

As Giulianotti argues, Marsh and his colleagues provided through their fieldwork a more complex understanding of how groups of fans involved in violent acts operate. However, the major issue with their work is their explanation of what causes 'aggro'. Giulianotti is precise in his critique: Marsh!

Supported by substantial funding from the former Social Science Research Council and the Football Trust, the group shared a common theoretical framework and research methods, and also found the same conclusions ones that proved Elias's point of view to be precise in explaining hooliganism. Indeed, the influence of the figurational perspective over their work was so strong that some critics have argued that "the Leicester research was conceived and designed simply to confirm rather than test Elias's standpoint" Giulianotti, , p.

Elias's theory of the civilising process, first published in the namesake book The Civilizing Process [] , is one of the founding works of figurational sociology. In this work, Elias establishes a connection between changes in individual discipline and changes in the wider social organisation over recent historical periods.

According to Elias, since the middle ages, Western Societies particularly England and France have witnessed an increase in self-restraint and in the capacity for calculated action that takes into account the long-term perspective Krarup, These changes are related to a complex set of broader socio-political conditions such as economic growth, expanded division of labour, state monopoly of taxation and violence, and social democratisation Dunning, et al.

These developments, above all the rise of the modern state, would have then played a central role in the civilising process, with implications for changes in the structures of personality. A new type of personality emerged within this environment, and this personality is the key to understanding the socio-genesis of the modern middle-class habitus.

The increasing rationalisation of man, that is, the civilisation of man, accompanies a growing intolerance towards public acts of violence. This intolerance is interrelated with developments in human conduct "where the more animal activities are progressively thrust behind the scenes of men's communal life and invested with feelings of shame" Krarup, , p.

In describing this transition, Giulianotti remarks that Elias! The basic idea behind 'figuration' is that society is the network of active independent human beings forming a dynamic whole where power relations are fluid and in permanent flux. As Krarup The civilising process refers then to this dynamic whereby human conduct has been more closely monitored and self-controlled, where there is more intolerance to aggression, and an increase in 'respectable' behaviour among distinct social strata.

The anomalies along this process, such as violent revolutions, are called 'decivilising spurts' by Elias. Such situations may temporarily reverse the civilising process, which remains incomplete, especially among the lower working classes.

According to Giulianotti , the Leicester School used Elias's conceptual framework to explain football hooliganism in two main aspects: first, they examined how social attitudes towards violence at football matches have changed over time; and second, the researchers attributed fan violence per se to social groups that were not affected by the civilising process. It is particularly suggestive the way they contextualised the peak of violence during the s: Giulianotti and Haynes list a series of critiques that the Leicester School has received over the years.

For instance, scholars have pointed out the problematic connections established in the figurationists' work between lower working classes with 'rough' socialization and hooliganism. In this regard, other studies have found results that contradict such a simple association, demonstrating that groups from the lower working classes were not significantly involved in fan violence Armstrong, Also, Giulianotti Giulianotti , observes that many modern Scottish hooligans, called 'casuals', come from stable upperworking-class areas rather than poorer regions.

On the other hand, Elias's concept of a civilising process has also attracted strong criticism from being a teleological, ethnocentric and inaccurate point of view that misrepresents even the developments of Europe itself Goudsblom, Indeed, this interpretation has been criticised for providing an evolutionist perspective that implies that earlier or non-! Furthermore, Giulianotti criticises the weakness of Elias's theory in ethnographic terms.

In particular, the author indicates that the Leicester School did not make any attempt to employ the figurational approach at the everyday level. Next, I explore another major focus of research interest in relation to football fandom that has succeeded the hooliganism studies: 'fan democracy' studies have emerged in a particular socio-historic context that I discuss in the next subsection. The emergence of what may be called the 'fan democracy' line of studies into football fandom is related somehow to the developments of this industry in the s and s.

In a nutshell, it is fair to say that the combination of chronic hooliganism and poor administration led English football to reach a critical situation in the public's eyes in the s Taylor, Television companies refused to deal with the game, and the annual match attendances touched rock bottom at around 17 million in , the lowest since Taylor, A series of football disasters, which includes the fire at the Bradford City stadium , the clashes between English and Italian fans in Heysel, Brussels , and the deadliest in the UK history, the Hillsborough disaster in Sheffield , corroborated the bad reputation the sport was gaining in England since the end of its golden age in the late s.

The disaster in Sheffield, at which 96 fans died and other were injured, resulted in a report, the Taylor Report , which is fundamental to understanding the reformulation of this industry and the rise of a myriad of supporter protest groups at club and national levels in the s Brown, After the tragedy, Lord Justice Taylor was appointed to conduct an inquiry into the events; his central conclusion was that the failure of police control was the main reason for the disaster.

The Taylor Report made recommendations regarding safety in sporting events, the most important of which was that stadiums should be converted so that all supporters had seats. At the time of the disaster, stadiums were designed in such a way that fans, especially in the cheapest areas, would stand during the matches. Such a recommendation, even though ultimately concerned with safety, was highly controversial.

The football fan organisations that gave evidence to the Taylor inquiry opposed the model, and supporters and designers of safe standing areas even challenged the safety argument Brown, Despite the opposition to the new model, by the end of the season, all grounds in England became all-seater stadiums. From the fans' point of view, the adoption of this new ground design resulted in a feeling of 'impotence' because of their lack of control over changes in the industry.

As Brown This was the context that led to the formation of over 40 independent supporters' organisations at club level, two national supporters' bodies, a vast range of other grassroots protest groups and hundreds of football fanzines from to the mids Brown, ;Haynes, Besides the introduction of the all-seater model, the other main focus of such militant groups was the controversial actions of club chairmen.

However, even these initiatives were at some level connected to the modernisation and commercialisation of football in the s. As Brown contextualises, such an environment led and continues to lead clubs to make business-centred decisions in a desire to compete with the richest!

According to Brown , even though the safety issue was at the heart of the Taylor Report, the feeling among football supporters was that the clubs were taking advantage of such an opportunity to modernise and revolutionise football, and football supporting.

Or in other words:! Brown is cited as an exponent of such an approach, as well as Haynes and Jary et al. Further, another potential difficulty is that those analysing football supporters are often members of the communities they are theorising about Crawford, Such affiliations may represent a particular issue in 'fan ethnographies', with researchers becoming too obsessed with their own subjective positions Jenkins, And, in being football supporters themselves, football academics would often over-romanticise the period of the game in which they grew up -many of them in early post-war Britain or the golden age of the sport in the country Crawford, Crawford's critiques are mostly precise and relevant.

For instance, other authors such as King , Williams and Dunning et al. Using Abercrombie and Longhurst's observations, Crawford points out weaknesses of this perspective: is mediated after all. Football scholars would be following such romanticisation, which has been implicated in a lack of comprehension about contemporary sport audiences.

Developing his argument toward sports-fandom research that is able to integrate the consumer culture into considerations about sports fans and their communities, Crawford , studies about other types of fandom have adopted a more complex model than sports-fandom studies have, as a way to understand fans and their communities in a media-saturated society.

This relative theoretical 'delay' has to be contextualised, however. Schimmel and colleagues are able to help with their comparison between understandings of fans and fandom among sport and pop culture scholars. Schimmel and colleagues argue in such work that sports-fan studies and pop-culture fan studies "have developed on different trajectories and to some extent in different areas of the academy" p.

For Schimmel and colleagues, the level of collaboration and dialogue between those two traditions is very low even though they are studying similar phenomena. Schimmel and colleagues also describe some of the differences between those two types of fandom, which, to some extent, explain why those two fields have developed through distinct pathways: In the next subsection, I discuss the developments of pop-culture fandom research as a way to promote and benefit from this dialogue.

That is to say, even though popular-culture fandom studies adopted a performance approach before football-fandom studies, it has to be understood that it is not simply a matter of theoretical delay or just a result of a disjuncture with pop-culture fandom, and ultimately, cultural studies. The football industry has its own historicity. Therefore, applying such a theoretical framework to it before the late s, for instance, would probably have constrained football-culture formations to the logic of the entertainment industry and audience-research scholarship.

At this time, the dynamics of the football industry and the relationships between supporters and the game were very different from those found in the pop-culture terrain. That is also true for the Brazilian media environment and aspects that this theoretical approach brings about, such as fluidity of identities, political consumerism and cosmopolitanism. Regarding this point, a parallel could be established with observations made by Rajagopal when analysing TV audiences in India.

For him, Western academics studying media reception have often assumed that aspects of capitalist modernity, such as liberal citizenship, apply to any context, although they only exist contradictorily or unevenly in developing nations. This is why I adopt a perspective in this thesis that is useful for understanding fandom as a situated practice, deep-seated into social and cultural orders, and that is sensitive to the particular industry and country I am analysing.

I discuss this perspective further in the last section of this chapter. Research on pop culture has a longer history than sports-fandom studies Schimmel, et al. Early enquiries in this area, some dating back to the late s, focused on theatre audiences, readers of sentimental novels and music listeners see Allen, These works were all rather similar and the singular concern was the fans' ability to distinguish between what was 'reality' and the fictional content they were consuming. According to Schimmel and colleagues , "this early research contributed to the ongoing marginalization of pop culture fans through construction of a public image of fans as out-of-touch loners, losers or lunatics" p.

The first wave of enquiries approached the 'active audiences'and developed in direct connection with the work of the CCCS. This generation clearly adopted the resistance paradigm discussed earlier, and as Gray and colleagues assert, scholars such as Fiske Fiske [ and Jenkins Gray,!

Somehow, this would be the 'fandom is beautiful' phase, in which scholars were trying to defend fan communities from the stereotyped way they were portrayed in the mass media and by non-fans Gray, et al. With this concern, researchers turned to the very activities seen as pathological -conventions, fan fiction writing, fanzine editing and collection, letter writing campaigns -making an effort to redeem them as creative and productive.

What accelerated a change in the way pop culture was approached was a historical turn, particularly in the media markets. For Gray and colleagues , the movement from an era of broadcasting to one of narrowcasting, and the subsequent centrepiece occupied by fans in this deregulated media market, transformed the way fans were seen by the public: no longer a caricature and actually a "specialized yet dedicated consumer" p.

As Gary and colleagues put it, "rather than ridiculed, fan audiences are now wooed and championed by cultural industries" p. Scholars such as Harris and Jancovich analysed how objects and practices of fandom were structured through our habitus, and how they reflected our social, cultural and economic capitals. These studies investigated the ways in which social and cultural hierarchies were replicated within fan cultures, which were no longer spaces of cultural autonomy and resistance.

As Gray and colleagues explain The last generation, the current one, has closely followed the Bourdieusian wave, and has reflected the widespread nature of fandom practices to far beyond the tightly organised participants described above all in the first generation and the increasing entrenchment of fan consumption in the structure of our everyday lives.

These more recent studies have changed the goalposts of enquiry, broadening the analytic scope to a wide range of different audiences Gray, et al. As Gray and colleagues explain, this is especially an empirical shift, which has turned pop-culture fan studies into an increasingly diverse field in conceptual, theoretical and methodological terms.

Remaining conscious of the teleological risk of creating a single masternarrative of fan research, Gray and colleagues suggest that if there is a meaningful way to connect the current diverse studies in this area it is by the very idea that "fandom has emerged as an ever more integral aspect of lifeworlds in global capitalism, and an important interface between micro and macro forces of our time" p.

In this sense, we could assume that the singular point of contact of such a contrasting body of literature is that it "focuses on the normalization of media consumption in everyday life, and the meaning of fan identities in processes of cultural and economic globalization" Schimmel, et al. Even more importantly here is the idea forwarded by Gray and colleagues that fandom, in this last generation of studies, is less of a transhistorical phenomenon and more of a situated practice, deep-seated into social and cultural orders.

Along with the distinct communication model adopted in pop-culture research, this is probably another point that could be translated into the football-fandom field. The way these two aspects are absorbed here is the topic of the last part of this chapter.

The separation that has characterised the historical developments of the fandom traditions discussed above has been implicated in two particular constraints for football-fandom research. As they explain, before this, Marxist-influenced approaches to the study of sport and society had been adopted in a more structuralist way in the wake of the cultural and political radicalism of the mid-to late s, and in a neo-!

Marxist fashion, where classical Marxist categories such as the labour process and alienation were applied to analyse the limits and possibilities of resistance and transformation from the late s to the mids. This strand of work is important because somehow here I take inspiration from the same sources than those scholars to propose a conjunctural analysis that recognises the importance of maintaining a grounded and engaged critique of relations of power in sport at the same time that gives double-attention to the superstructure, i.

When discussing the future of cultural studies, Grossberg explores the notion of conjuncture. Because of the great importance of this concept for the emergence of cultural studies as a project, I draw on it to some extent in my analysis of the Brazilian context. The notion of conjuncture is significant here because it reveals the particular practice of contextualism adopted in cultural studies and it is not commonly used in football-fandom research. This practice of contextualism often "involves a location within and an effort at the diagnosis of a conjuncture, that is a focus on the social formation as a complexly articulated unity or totality" Grossberg, , p.

Following his argument, Grossberg Grossberg asserts that a conjunctural analysis "looks to the changing configuration of forces that occasionally seeks and sometimes arrives at a balance or temporary settlement" , p. When I mentioned, in the beginning of this chapter, that I had planned to analyse football-related controversies on social network sites, there was no real conjuncture at stake at that point. I was looking at events and analysing them as separate units.

But, as Grossberg highlights:"contextualism dictates that an event is not anything by itself" Grossberg, , p. In this regard, football has occupied a similar position to that occupied by popular culture in post-war Britain. However, I am not arguing here that the size and characteristics of the Brazilian conjuncture are the same as that of the UK in the s, nor that football is the only field playing such role. This conjuncture will be explored in the next chapters, when the specific ways that people have negotiated and renegotiated the configurations of modernity and postmodernity in Latin America, and in Brazil in particular, will become clearer.

Another point to be explored here is the ideological approach that permeates the works of the CCCS. As I asserted above, using Crawford's Crawford's , criticisms of the resistance paradigm, power relations are increasingly complex and it has become difficult to talk of a central power axis, or to use Crawford's expression, top-down zero-sum notions of power. Here, hegemony, which was one of the concepts that enabled the analysis done by Hall and colleagues in Policing the Crisis, is not of such central importance.

But still in this regard, the concentrations and accumulations of power are not ignored, especially because they are overexpressed in the football industry. To perform such materialistic analysis, I look at the political economy of this sector and its historical developments as a way to outline some of the economic, political and social conditions of this conjuncture.

One of my main concerns here is to explore such a formation in relation to the broader social setting of the Brazilian society, which is largely unknown by scholars outside Latin America and is fundamental to A conjunctural approach also substantiates my point, particularly where it opposes Crawford's argument. Crawford Crawford , assumes, at some level, that any modern-day sports culture will be characterised by aspects that distinguish postmodern forms of sociability.

He investigates a group of supporters -ice hockey fans in England -that has a historical specificity, and, therefore, his attempt to generalise such realities ends up losing sight of the context of formation of such communities. As Canclini , p.

Further to this point, take the notion that the composition of a community of supporters may change over time, with fans showcasing distinct patterns of support over a lifetime and being members of more than one community. This behaviour illustrates the fluidity and temporality, concepts mentioned above, which Crawford brings from the pop culture and audience research area and that are ultimately related to a postmodern framework of analysis.

Regarding this particular point, it is not that such patterns do not apply in some way to football fans, who, certainly, follow their teams at different levels of intensity over time. However, such fluidity is relative in most countries that have football as the dominant sports code. There is, for instance, a popular saying in Brazil that you may change your name, your address, your religion, your wife it is a male-dominated culture , but you do not change your football club.

It is something you have with you forever and, indeed, many people in Brazil are buried in their football jerseys or with club flags. In this sense,Canclini's concept of hybrid cultures may assist approaching realities that do not exactly obey the changes observed in the so-called transition between modernity and postmodernity.

And it is important to note that! And, for instance, in the developments of football culture in Brazil, you find the socio-genesis of such a strong sense of loyalty in the emergence of the factory clubs in the early s -they are discussed in Chapter 3. And this loyalty was incorporated in the mythology of football fan cultures in such a way that, even today, the worst category that you may fall into, as a football fan, is the vira-folha the one who changes their club.

Or, in other words, it is essential to understand each context and identify in which way our research subjects do not exactly follow the theoretical framework that we bring to the discussion. So, lastly, I would argue that as much as the scholars that he criticises, including the Marxist works of Ian Taylor Taylor, a Taylor, , b, the more socio-psychological research of Peter Marsh and colleagues Marsh, et al. I also explored the fandemocracy studies, associating the empirical turn to social movements and groups of fans with a militant attitude to the developments of the European football industry in the s and s.

After that, I argued, along with Crawford Crawford , and Schimmel and colleagues , that building a bridge between the two streams of fandom studies that focus on sport and pop culture may benefit both areas. In particular, I proposed that an approximation of communication and cultural studies is necessary in the football-fandom studies terrain as a way to incorporate two fruitful points.

First is the inclusion of more contemporary approaches to media and communication in our research agendas. Second is the adoption of that radical contextualism and conjuncturalism, singular marks of cultural studies that seem fundamental for an understanding of fandom as a situated practice, deepseated into social and cultural orders. The next chapter starts to present the conjuncture under analysis here: I explore the political economy of football in historical terms, stressing the conflictual nature of the current way that football is organised in Brazil.

The football industry involves a variety of actors -such as clubs, sponsors, media companies, governing bodies, players, supporters and government officials -and their distinct types of mutual relations. However, this industrialised version is only one face of a sport that originated from medieval games and has changed dramatically, especially since the s, when this market-oriented model started to take shape.

This chapter discusses the historical developments that led football from its early modern version, as practised in the late 19th century inside the English public-education system, to its current industrialised variant. I start by drawing a parallel between the developments of this sport in England and in Brazil, and later in the chapter, I focus on the recent changes in the organisation of the Brazilian domestic sector.

The central argument here is that Brazil is witnessing in 21st century especially in the second decade what could be called a hypercommodification period Giulianotti, In England, a similar phase is strongly associated with the creation of the Premier League and is implicated in profound changes in the types of identification between supporters and the game. I argue here that two main elements related to the political economy are driving Brazil to this new cultural organisation: 1 the FIFA World Cup preparations and the 12 high-priced seating stadiums renovated or built for the tournament ; and 2 British!

From traditional medieval games, modern sports, as we know them today, originated in the 19th century and formed under the influence of a complex set of broader socio-political changes, such as the creation of the modern state and the emergence of modern types of structures of personality Elias, Great Britain had a significant role in codifying such old games into regulated, rational versions that replaced violence!

It was in this context that football was incorporated into the British school system and later codified by the upper classes, becoming something distinct from its folk popular version. It was at the schools that football among other sports became an activity with an end in itself, acquiring new meanings and functions as it was dislocated from medieval popular culture to modern official aristocratic institutions Bourdieu, ;Damo, Damo, , Later on, by the end of the 19th century, football's new version spread out from the schools to clubs, associations and leagues at the end of the Victorian era.

The popularisation of football that followed in the growing industrial cities in England was related to industrialisation, urbanisation, the increase in access to education, and the emergence of the proletariat as a class. Damo explains that as more people played sports, the idea of sporting activities as an end in themselves and, for this reason, a privilege of the upper classes, started to lose terrain. In the past, sporting practices played a role in distinguishing people as upper class, but now they were a space for the collective identification of ordinary individuals with equivalent status.

It is in this context that another significant change took place: professionalism, which was formally legalised in in England and in in Brazil. This first stage in the professional era of football was very 'amateur' compared with current standards, but it was fundamental for its historical developments. Before that, players from poor backgrounds struggled to live double lives: one as footballers and another as workers of some kind to pay their living expenses.

When it became possible to make a living as a full-time football player, this opened up football even more to players from the lower social stratum. In the growing industrial urban settings, football clubs started to attract crowds of workers and the sport quickly became the space of the lower classes par excellence. Both players and spectators were recruited from the very same social grouping, and as such, "football's integral position in working-class culture gave it a peculiar strength.

It meant that the particular values of the game were based in, and circumscribed by, a larger set of values generated by the class culture as a whole" Critcher, , p. This close connection remained more or less intact until the s in England, when both football and working-class cultures in general started to collapse under the influence of mass-media communication and the emergence of a consumer society in post-war Europe.

This was when professionalism achieved a new level, and alongside it, commodification and globalisation processes started to change the social relations that characterised football up to that point. As with other popular-culture domains, the type of cultural analysis being articulated at that time by scholars at the CCCS also influenced the way the initial processes of football commodification were explored, particularly in Critcher's work mentioned above.

Critcher saw a gradual transformation of the players' statuses from folk heroes the footballer from this initial professional stage to celebrities already in the s. To understand such a passage, it is important to briefly explain the changes that started to take place in the s and extended to the s concerning the maximum wage, and the retain and transfer systems. According to King , since the creation of the Football League, in , the contracts between clubs and players were regulated by these three rules.

The maximum wage increased over time as a way to keep some parity with other types of employment. The retain system, in turn, determined that clubs had to register with the League all the squad's players in the closing day of the season. At the same time, clubs would also submit a list of athletes available to be transferred. Such a list was sent to other clubs, which could then ask for additional information if they were interested in hiring any of the players made available to the market.

As King explains, the rules made it difficult to have a regular exchange of players between clubs, which guaranteed that the teams would not be dismantled in the course of the season. The maximum wage reduced football clubs' costs and maintained a certain parity between the big clubs of the capital financially privileged by the public that they attracted and the small town clubs. As King states, the combination of the three rules guaranteed an equity that enhanced the competition because teams from diverse places were in a position to win tournaments.

However, a series of important changes disrupted the clubs' equivalence: the first change was the abolition of the maximum wage in and the last change was the complete reform of the retain and transfer systems in These changes are fundamental to understanding the abyss created between big and small clubs, the financial crisis of the s and the split of the big clubs away from the existing system to create a new model of organisation, one grounded in a post-Fordist conception.

Later, this very same transfer system was transformed once more because of the Bosman Case, in this context, particularly answering to globalisation processes and the European integration. According to King , already in the s, under-the-table payments above the maximum wage had become current practice as a means to stimulate the performance of the best players and hold them at the clubs. In , six Sunderland players had been accused of receiving illegal payments that broke the rule 60 of the League -concerning the maximum wage.

In an attempt to avoid a possible banishment of the athletes from professional football, the newly elected president of the Professional Footballers' Association PFA , Jimmy Hill, promoted a campaign in which he travelled around the country collecting signatures of athletes who assumed that they had received payments above the maximum wage. Hill collected signatures in only one week and the case ended up demonstrating how inconsistent the system was.

King asserts, the maximum-wage rule was also under pressure because of the development of a European transfer market. As he explains, above all, Italian clubs were looking for new athletes among the players of the English league. These Italian clubs had more favourable financial conditions than the English teams and were able to offer substantially higher wages than their British rivals.!

Furthermore,Therefore, from the s, Italian clubs became a serious threat to the retention of good players by English clubs. Along with the external pressure and the exposition of the contradictions of the system, the wages of the Football League's players started to not match the British post-war social conditions. With the increasing influence of the Keynesian welfare state and the organic changes that British society had undergone in the post-war years, the maximum wage had become anomalous, an anachronism King, As King explains, By According to King , the maximum-wage controversy revealed a strategy that went beyond this particular matter.

A type of pro-change discourse was headed by Jimmy Hill, who argued that the maximum wage should be abolished, not only to increase the salaries, but also because football had become a commodity as any other. For Hill, in post-war England, the football player was nothing more than part of the entertainment industry. As such, the rules governing their earnings should be reviewed and aligned to the logic of this industry.

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TYLER PERRY NEW SHOW ON BET

My aim is, rather, to pave the way, to start a conversation that may take us to a better understanding and debate about the topic, above all, from a communication approach. Pop-culture scholars generally attribute to the letters page of Hugo Gernsback's magazine Amazing Stories the 'birth' of the fandom culture focused on science fiction Coppa, ;Jenkins, The letters page worked as a public forum where fans interacted with each other and with writers and editors about the published stories.

Amazing Stories enabled, for instance, the organisation of the first regional conventions of science-fiction fans in the United States. In this context, fans also started to get organised and produce their own texts. In , for example, the first science-fiction fanzine, The Comet, came out; its existence helped to compensate for the irregular publication of the professional magazines during the Great Depression Coppa, Fan texts filled in such gaps through commentaries about the professional magazines' stories, amateur fiction written by fans, news, gossip, debates and so on.

A type of fan labour started to take shape, resulting in material artefacts, or, in other words, the fans' textual productivity. Much water has flowed under the bridge since this period of incipient practices, such as the first fanzines, conventions and amateur press associations zines; the latter managed the letters generated by the other activities Coppa, Fan fiction and its subdivisions, including the main genres, gen, het and slash , for example, is one of the oldest fan practices that has become more broadly known and in some cases commercially explored as with Fifty Shades of Gray.

Today, a diverse range of websites are dedicated to publishing regular recaps and reviews of TV series and fans have developed a variety of artistic artefacts, such as paintings, drawings, digital animations, bricolages and posters.

Fanvids, filk and cosplay are also regular practices; with the popularisation of the Internet, many of these activities were more or less transformed because the fan-fiction stories that gained archives and online libraries were now better stored, catalogued and shared Coppa, !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Taylor reports that as early as , football supporters already used to arrange travel to football matches through the earliest organisations run by fans - they were called Brake Clubs and first emerged in Scotland.

Nevertheless, football fandom cultures have still not been significantly explored from the objects produced by football supporters. Perhaps, this is because football fandom cultures were historically based more on oral communciation and, as such, have generated fewer material practices based on words and textual content. These supporter-producers also develop their works as members of communities. In comparison with other similar entertainment-related fandom practices, these football fans' enterprises are linked to the specificities of sport and to the historically constructed relationships between supporters and their clubs -which are!

One of the few studies that analyses the productivity of sports fans still in a pre-Internet era, though is Haynes' The author investigates the football fanzine culture that emerged in the context of the disasters of Bradford, Heysel and Hillsborough in the s in England. According to Haynes , such fanzines were motivated by the ethos of the DIY culture and by a conviction among the supporters that it was necessary to create a forum for the expression of grievances and for the discussion of latent political issues related to football at that particular time.

The fanzines that Haynes analysed were published in the late s and early s and were influenced by a diverse range of other projects. These projects included, for example, the football alternative magazine Foul, published between and, and the pioneer fanzine The End, which was created in and combined music, football and fashion with a focus on the English north-western working-class subculture known as 'scally'.

The impact of The End, above all, is highlighted by Haynes : Then, from , this culture gained more strength, especially because of the general and non-club-based fanzines Off the Ball and When Saturday Comes WSC. Using previous distribution networks, such as those developed by music-culture fanzines, these publications started to sell more copies and meetings of the Football Supporters Association provided the perfect place to increase cooperation between editors and collaborators of individual titles.

Fanzines had 'guest appearances' by writers from other publications; editors republished articles from other titles when their clubs were cited; and collaboration and copying of ideas were prevalent. According to Haynes , the reasons behind the creation of! The style of language adopted in the fanzines excelled in humour, irony and creativity. The often-bizarre titles paid homage to club traditions, obscure football anecdotes, and regularly resorted to comic transgressions of dominant values and ideas on football from both fans and wider society.

All that was combined with a strong dose of the punkculture sensibility. For Haynes , then, these publications represented an incipient postmodern style of football writing that emerged in the late s and gained strength in the early s: from about 22 titles in to more than in TheDespite the innovative character of Haynes' work, his book The Football Imagination did not have the same impact as, for instance, Henry Jenkins' Textual Poachers had within pop-culture research.

At Google Scholar, Textual Poachers accumulates almost 3, citations, whereas The Football Imagination does not even reach data from October Only recently, the productivity of sports fans came to be a focus of academic research again. McCarthy McCarthy , , for example, has studied blogs produced by fans of gymnastics and tennis, adopting a quantitative approach in both studies.

In her article from , she investigates the content and functional features of 20 blogs related to these sports hosted at the platforms Blogger, Wordpress and National Examiner; in her paper, 40 questionnaires answered by bloggers of the same sporting codes are analysed.

McCarthy raises a series of questions that are more or less related to my concerns in this chapter: What exactly is fan sports blogging? What are the shared codes and conventions of these cultures? What are the motivations that lead sport fans to produce content? Do bloggers who are fans try to mimic traditional sports reportage?

Or is the content produced by them supplementary, seeking instead to explore paths and areas not approached by traditional journalism? McCarthy looks for answers in the rare research that investigates fans' sports blogs to later highlight the empirical analysis that she developed.

One of the studies McCarthy cites is a research report from PennsylvaniaState University scholars , which is the result of a survey with sports bloggers and focuses clearly on the relationships between journalists and bloggers adopting even a corporatist approach, I would argue. The study asks participants questions about topics such as:whether they see themselves as rivals to professional journalists; what differentiates their work from the traditional news; and whether their work could be seen as sports journalism.

This research highlights that creativity and interactivity dictate the popularity of fan blogs. Using content analysis, McCarthy examines posts from 10 blogs about tennis and texts from 10 blogs about gymnastics, which were posted in a day period. Her choice of these two sports is purposeful because she wants to compare a more popular code tennis with one that receives less media attention gymnastics. Two of McCarthy's main findings are particularly relevant to this thesis. First, fan blogs constitute a kind of coverage that is regularly updated and that focuses particularly on discussions about preparation and performance.

However, this coverage also approaches peripheral topics such as celebrities, governance issues and general news that are presented in a single space. This is unlike traditional media coverage, which sometimes publishes sporting issues in one section and sports celebrity gossip, for instance, in another. Second, fan bloggers, according to McCarthy , "take their cues from modern mainstream sports journalism" and "the measure and nature of their output is somewhat reflective of the measure of outputs of the mainstream media through which they may largely experience sports" p.

On the other hand, there is also evidence that fans augment and supplement the quotidian sports coverage because many posts deal with history, non-play stories and individual athletes. McCarthy articulates some answers for her questions; however, one of the aspects that she indicates as a concern remains unanswered, especially because of her methodology and also because she largely attaches the paper's discussion to the current literature about blogs.

The unanswered aspect is the interaction and the communities formed around such enterprises. This proximity with the blog universe brings about some elements that enrich the debate, such as the idea that sports-fan productivity often dialogues with journalism. However, this conceptual option also distances McCarthy from fandom-culture studies, leading to a type of dislocation of these projects from the communities behind them. A McCarthy's work. This is because the analysis, which is more quantitative, cannot account for the intrinsic sociability that characterises such projects.

McCarthy's research is innovative in discussing a topic that urgently needs more academic attention; however, her conceptual framework choice that focuses on blogs, and in a dialectic between journalism and bloggers, ends up not opening enough space for fan texts and a detailed examination of them. A perspective that scrutinises such projects and seeks to comprehend them in their own creative dimension may provide the necessary elements so we can understand more properly exactly how such texts augment and supplement the media content produced by mainstream media channels.

This point, which remains rather abstract in McCarthy's discussion, is approached here, not only through the topics, but also, more precisely, from the perspectives adopted in such texts. Lastly, I seek to expand this discussion about the textual productivity of sports fans beyond the discussion about blogs. These fan texts are clearly articulated to the communities behind them, which, in Brazil at least, reached some considerable popularity with Orkut.

This is despite the fact that, as I discussed in Chapter 4, many football supporters used BBSs and mailing lists to interact about their clubs long before Google's Orkut platform was launched in As I previously explained, in , I collected around 7 million messages related to the 12 professional clubs with the largest supporter bases in Brazil 61 posted on Twitter between September and November of that year.

This data was used in previous chapters to analyse distinct aspects of the relationship between new technologies and football supporter cultures. From an analysis of the patterns found in the data sets, one of the important indications was that football-related communities have central supporters who have a great level of cultural authority over their peers. Many of the central supporters were those producing original amateur content related to their clubs.

Besides these fans, I also analysed the URLs being shared in these conversations, and from this, I identified those websites maintained by supporters that were the most shared over this period. Lastly, I also asked the participants for the names of other supporters who were producing original content in a search for a greater variety of modes of expressionfor instance, the fan photographers presented below were not part of the most central or the most shared websites, although they were cited countless times by many of my interviewees.

After this process, 22 fans were invited to be interviewed and 11 accepted. Each semi-structured interview lasted around two hours see Appendix A for the questions and they all took place between May and August It is important to note that the supporters and projects analysed here were not randomly chosen; these interviewees were selected because they had greater influence over the conversations of this community and their projects were highly popular within this particular club's supporter base.

In Table 6. In this analysis, I sought to list 1 the distinct media formats, 2 the motivations that led these supporters to create or take part in such enterprises and 3 the styles and approaches embraced in the texts. Top account on Twitter! Focusing on the information and in technical!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! A radio station still might involve investment in training the creators of WRG took professional sports-announcing courses and a high level of mobilisation because many of them rely on many collaborators.

Similar to radio stations, and many times part of them!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Torcidas of other clubs have also their peculiar selfBcreated names. Wikipedia as well as developing their own projects, such as Matheus Soares 80 , who catalogues historic and rare matches and goals in a YouTube channel that he has maintained since and that has around 1, subscribers and 2.

Although some supporters tend to produce particular types of content, most of the time they are indeed multimedia producers. Rodolpho, who is a writing enthusiast, used to do a podcast for his blog. WRG, which is supposed to be a radio station, in fact has most of its programs in audio-visual format. This material is then made available on their YouTube channel, which as October had almost 7, subscribers and whose videos have been viewed around 3.

In short, many supporters produce content in diverse forms and collaborate with other fans that have distinct skills. As a result, such projects are enriched and usually end up aggregating a variety of expressive modes in each single enterprise. Many fans cite more than one reason, but all of them stress the pleasure that they feel in doing what they do.

Roberto Guerra, Eduardo's brother and founder of the radio station, asserts that the task is "pleasurable. Because if it wasn't, I would have already given up. Chatting about football is good.!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

Many people enjoy it and would like to have a place to do it". For Rafael Lima, from Cam1sa Do2e, there is a personal satisfaction that comes with working with something that you like so much. The pleasure that most supporters mention is strongly associated with the collaborative character of such projects. These projects are built on the contact with other supporters and formed from relationships that are less hierarchical than those found between mainstream media organisations and their audiences.

One of the greatest motivations for the supporters interviewed comes from the companionship of other supporters or from the sociability found in the quotidian conviviality with an audience that here is clearly not separated from the producers. As I discussed in Chapter 5, Simmel was one of the first to seriously take into account the social encounter, the less instrumental act from where what he called sociability can emerge. Sociability is the term used by the German sociologist to refer to a distinct social form that extracts all the serious substance of life leaving only the relationship, the togetherness.

A truly social game, sociability is found in a variety of conversations and playful activities, arising from practices such as playing card games and team sports. Resulting from interactions with no pragmatic purposes, sociability is the essence of association, of the associative process as a value and as a satisfaction in itself. It is, above all, about the pure pleasure of companionship and differs tremendously from the results of instrumental communication. According to Simmel , the interaction defined by the characteristics of sociability has a self-sufficient content, in the sense that it is the satisfaction of the relationship itself that wants to be nothing but relation that moves such type of encounters.

Life stories, jokes and anecdotes that often serve only as a pastime reflect these imperative elements of sociability. Later, Oldenburg extends Simmel's work discussing places where such encounters tend to happen the 'third places' I discussed in Chapter 5 and reassures us of the importance of such places for the health of communities.

Giulianotti , on the other hand, adopts Simmel's sociology and his concept of sociability to understand the culture around the Tartan Army, group of supporters of the Scottish national football team that emerged in the context of the hooligan culture and became known by their friendly and festive behaviour inside the stadium. For Giulianotti , the group and its conviviality provide a type of escape from the oppressing modern culture, expressing, in this sense, the importance that Simmel had given to the sociable encounter:To!

The production model of WRG does not have any type of monetisation of labour. It does not generate any type of financial compensation for its producers, who are part of a gift economy -they make exchanges with a couple of partners, such as a designer also a supporter who did their website layout in exchange for publicity on their homepage.

Indeed, their expenses are significant, as is the time spent with the production of the programs given the producers' personal and professional pressures. Asked about the reason for continuing with the project, which has been on for three years and counts on many collaborators, Eduardo specifically stressed the importance of the friendships and the pleasure that comes from the pure sociability experienced within the radio station and its community.

To engage in a combination of hobbies. Some of the interviewees stressed that they felt passion both for the club and for their content-production activities. For Leide Botelho, a collaborator at WRG and NotiGalo, her passion for writing is one of the things that motivated her: Among the 11 interviewees, two were journalism undergraduate students, two were professional journalists working in areas other than sport , and one was an advertiser.

Their strong association with studies and work in professional communication expresses rather well how their passion for the club was combined with an interest in the activity of producing media content.!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Other supporters reported motivations of a more political nature.

This is the case with Zeca and the abovementioned podcast, Galocast. This supporter has been part of online!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! To produce what was missing and share with other supporters. Most homegrounds and headquarters of popular professional clubs in Brazil are located in big metropolises and that is because football culture has historically developed in association with urbanisation processes everywhere, including in Brazil Damo, Damo, , Giulianotti, ;Taylor, For that reason, the features characterising the supporterclub relationship, and even the club preferences, may be significantly distinct among those living in the capitals and in provincial areas.

Meanwhile, in BH, less than 2. When it comes to media coverage, the existence of regional network affiliates in diverse parts of the states -which produce then content that is relatively distinct from the capitals' networks -simultaneously collaborates and reflects such differences.

Then, for those who live in the countryside, but choose to support clubs from the capital, it is harder to follow their teams than if they were living geographically close to the club, in the capital. The gap in available material for supporters from provincial areas led Rafael Lima to produce original content. Rafael believes that supporters from provincial areas face more difficulties when they are interested in becoming more dedicated supporters. Fan groups often dismantle more easily and the club culture is experienced at a distance in these situations.

As a result, the relationship between supporters and clubs is also weaker and football clubs do not occupy such a central position for everyday sociability as they do in the urban areas:! Some content producers are seen!! Atleticano doesn't miss a Galo's match for anything! The same approach is found in Daniel Teobaldo's work, another photographer who places Galo's torcida at the centre of the narratives and, above all, of that fateful match see Figure 6.

Talking as supporters in their texts. This perspective could also be used as a broader approach because it actually defines the texts produced by the interviewed supporters. However, the specific focus here is the use of more radical and passionate language, which resort most of the time to rivalry, especially to jokes with Cruzeiro supporters, as the raw material for the text.

It is a more aggressive style of speech, loaded with qualifying adjectives for both the players of the team and those of the rival. It is not a simple rude name-calling or an injurious attack to someone's honour; it is rather a discourse that reflects a bar conversation, the rage before a missed goal, and the pure irrationality that surrounds football supporting.

According to Leide, this type of radicalism does not exist in the mainstream media; if this content were produced by journalists, it would not be consumed by supporters who cannot handle 'others' speaking negatively about their club. In the supporters' speech, on the other hand, a higher level of criticism is allowed, even though, for many, this aspect has become a criterion that defines how much of a supporter someone is.

The corneta 89 , for some, is only a critic and says the truth about the team at all costs. Wilson Franco also stresses how this radicalism, "a thing of supporters indeed", may often be misunderstood.!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Embracing a literary perspective.

For many of those interviewed, the key example was Roberto Drummond, a writer from Minas Gerais who portrayed, as nobody else was able to, the soul of atleticanos. Elen Campos, who the interviewees very often cited as a representation of this The tone of the text is set in three key ways:!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Even though the text is about a non-original topic after all, everybody was talking about the match the following day, even supporters of other clubs , its style makes it appear authentic and novel.

As Elen explains, her writing process is long: "I can say that my process is dragged out. Because when it reaches the form of a text it means that I have been reading about it, seeing things and discussing it on Twitter for a very long time". Because the central concern is aesthetic, Elen's texts are highly intertextual, dialoguing with other supporters, with conversations that she has on Twitter, and with other texts and topics. For example, in the post Mas isso era antes 98 But this was before , she openly takes inspiration from the textual structure used by the actor and writer Gregorio Duvivier in his article Mas antes 99 But before.

Elen sees her aesthetically focused approach to football as more feminine. And, coincidence or not, another woman who was interviewed, Leide Botelho, was also mentioned by the other interviewees as representing this type of perspective. On the other hand, the interviewees also referred to male supporters that care deeply about textual aesthetics. Adopting a critical attitude. Other supporters have taken on a more critical attitude in their work.

The focus in this case is often on topics such as the season-ticket program, the media coverage about the club, and political issues surrounding the organisation of tournaments in the country. However, in the most contemporary studies, this anthropological perspective has been improved by more systematic ethnographic practices and questioning of the drama notion.

For Toledo , the 'damattian model' seems to confine sporting phenomena to a certain degree of opacity, not dialoguing that much with the idea of rituals as more dynamic processes of social construction. Then, more recently, some have conceived of football not as a drama but as a "contentious field of practices and professional experiences, power, visibility and institutional legitimacy" Toledo, , p. In such a context, football and other sports have gained space in the communication field, with, for instance, the creation in of an interest group in one of the top conferences of the discipline in the country Fortes, What predominates there are works undertaken under the auspices of physical education Recently, Helal Helal,!

My argument is that football, which has its origins in medieval games that pre-date modernity, and was 'reinvented' inside the British education system with modern values and rules more on that in Chapter 3 , is being 'recreated' again in Brazil. In the current Brazilian context, football is assuming a new type of organisation and the supporters' ties with the sport are being redefined. However, the national agenda ended up undermining the investigation of other forms of belonging associated with football there 4.

At some level, football was analysed for a long time in Brazil as a type of metaphor for society -scholars looked into football to theorise about broader issues. But I argue that a change of focus is required; my point of view is not exactly the opposite of what has gone before, but a rather more!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

Many aspects discussed here work rather well as a lens to understand macro social and cultural processes, and ultimately, my theoretical approach implies an idea of reading society through football. Nevertheless, I am adopting what could be seen as a double reflexive perspective in the sense that I also look at society and the context to comprehend football.

Here, football assumes a type of leading role, as an object of research by itself. This step, also taken by the abovementioned contemporary works that used an anthropological approach, demonstrates indeed the maturity of football-culture studies. Furthermore, getting closer to cultural studies provides a theoretical framework that enables researchers to keep a critical view about the neoliberal model of the sector's organisation strongly dependent on media systems without losing sight of the ways that supporters appropriate and make use of media technologies themselves.

This use, from contemporary approaches in the audience-studies field, goes beyond the idea of an oppositional reading, as classically theorised by Stuart Hall I mean here the approximation between producer and audience that concepts such as produser and produsage express Bruns, As I detail in Chapter 2, the dominance of the resistance paradigm from the audience-studies field among research dedicated to football supporter cultures has prevented the emergence of analyses that work from the performance paradigm.

In this case, I mean specifically the relative lack of studies that approach online communities of football supporters and the uses that they make of new technologies for their everyday fan practices. The authors, Gibbons and Dixon , using Crawford's Crawford's , arguments as a starting point, identified a knowledge gap i.

Combined with the rigid separation between 'virtual' online and 'real' offline worlds still in vogue in this field at that time, online communities were receiving less attention than they deserved because they were regarded at some level as inauthentic. Since then, a couple of studies have been published, but there is still a need to contextualise the investigation of both online groups and data collected from the Internet with previous formations and practices of football fans.

In other words, some studies approach football-fandom interactions in a vacuum, as if they were groups and activities born digitally. This may be the case of some formations such as the Yarraside, the main supporter group for the Melbourne Heart football club analysed by Ruddock , for instance. However, there is still a need to contextualise historically the dynamics, sociality forms and practices of online groups with their respective past formations, especially when it comes to countries where football cultures have a long history.

Also, there is an absence of studies that address the overlaps and interplays between online and offline activities. One of the first to discuss online interactions of football fans was Wilson , who explores Internet discussion boards devoted to the United States professional association football league, Major Soccer League MLS.

In this work, Wilson is interested in how discussion boards provide a way for MLS followers "to build virtual communities around a league that lacks traditions and a strong identity, and teams that have no history of generational or geographically based loyalty" p.

Wilson develops a qualitative analysis of interactions on BigSoccer. For Wilson , the Internet and its discussion boards his focus of analysis play a particular role in the US context. In a place where the most influential media remain inattentive to football, argues Wilson , they offer a means of information exchange for enthusiasts, indeed facilitating fan networking in a geographically large country with only a small number of professional teams.

Ruddock, Hutchins and Rowe also approach online football-fandom practices, focusing particularly on the website MyFootballClub MFC , a novel experience in terms of fan participation in clubs' management. According to the MFC website, they form "the world's first Internet community to buy and takeover a real-world football club". MFC is, for Ruddock and colleagues , a logical outcome of football's journey from folk to consumer culture, a shift from audience to user.

MFC, then, "successfully places media at the centre of its claims that it revives lost football-supporter traditions, the very demise of which have conventionally been attributed to the growth and influence of media" Ruddock, et al. In this sense, MFC could be understood as a 'new tradition', a promise that has to negotiate many obstacles, including organicist myths of sport. Even though Hutchins and Rowe do not focus particularly on football they use examples and cases from a variety of sporting codes , their work is an innovative take on the relationship between sport and digital technologies.

From political-economy issues to journalism and everything in-between, their book, Sport Beyond Television, is one of the! Hutchins and Rowe seek to identify "features of the market-place, communications technology, and uses of media that explain the appearance and operation of media sport in the digital age" p. Drawing on 45 interviews done in Australia with a variety of actors of the sport sector including industry professionals, telecommunications operators, regulators, athletes and fans , Hutchins and Rowe discuss the birth of a new media order that according to them "is not dissimilar to that of the s and s when television began its ascent as the dominant medium delivering sport to viewers and advertisers" p.

In the current technological landscape, the growing popularity and availability of social software have challenged centrally controlled media systems, creating concerns for clubs, sport managers and other insiders from the sports-media industry. On the other hand, explain Hutchins and Rowe , various forms of social software also possess a Janus-faced character because this capacity has not often been used for transformative communications: This context is the reason that Hutchins and Rowe are not completely convinced about the democratic potential of participatory culture when it comes to sports.

Other scholars, such as Bruns and Burgess and Green , have argued that users in produsage communities are challenging professional media providers, media norms and the cultural authority of 'legitimate knowledge' in two ways: through continuous collaboration and through creative decentralised 'co-creation'!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

According to Hutchins and Rowe , however, these arguments are more plausible for some cases than others. Recently, Hutchins and Rowe The first set of subquestions is explored mostly in Chapter 3 -even though Chapter 2 also works as an introduction to some of the issues. The second set of subquestions is approached over Chapters 4, 5 and 6.

In general terms, this project adopts an empirical approach rather similar to most cultural studies: investigating the interplay between lived experiences, texts or discourses, and the social context Saukko, the interplays between these diverse aspects, particularly articulating the discussion in two axes: the structures of the economy, and the subjectivities and meanings attributed by supporters to their practices.

In the first part of the thesis, which deals with the structuring forces overdetermining the Brazilian football industry, I make a critical analysis of the political economy of the sector, and I also use elements of discursive analysis to better contextualise and explore the emergent conflicts that exist in this environment. In the second part, I develop a contemporary cultural analysis that combines digital methods and traditional qualitative strategies to investigate the modes of organisation and expression of football supporters.

In this part, I also resort to discursive analysis and close readings to explore online fan conversations, fan texts and in-depth interviews done with football supporters. Next, I present a summary of the sources and data-analysis strategies used in each part of the thesis see Table 1 For Berry , the computational turn is central in the third wave of digital humanities because it transforms both the object of study and the means of studying it.

The second, on the other hand, was qualitative and interpretative, using the humanities' core methodological strengths to interact with knowledge that was 'born digital' Presner, ;Schnapp, et al. As Berry explains, the third wave has differently focused on how medial changes also produce epistemic changes. Liu, Twitter's API rules, for instance, changed in the middle of the execution of this project, and cases like this create!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

In terms of proper skills, Manovich Manovich's idea, which is very similar to what I am proposing in this thesis, is to combine "the human ability to understand and interpretwhich computers can't completely match yet -and the computer's ability to analyse massive data sets using algorithms we create" Manovich, , p. Even though Manovich seems to talk more of a combination in terms of data-analysis strategies, I am extrapolating that to datacollection techniques as well.

In this sense, a promising way of executing this combination is through the approach proposed by Dixon According to Dixon, the term 'pattern' appears repeatedly in the digital humanities literature; however, its meaning is often taken for granted and not specified. He argues that the analysis of patterns may be used in research designs that value, but are not limited to, abductive ways of reasoning.

As he asserts, "patterns can be justified as part of the process of enquiry in any type of research, but not by themselves as an end; they are part of the process, not the product" Dixon, , p. For Dixon , the recognition of patterns is often a simple solution in the digital humanities to not use the expression 'structure'. Because 'structure' carries all the structuralism baggage and "it is difficult to escape the connotations that go with it" p.

Nevertheless, such recourse does not solve the epistemological issue behind the concept: after all, what are patterns and which type of knowledge they offer? The solution Dixon found is to locate "the digital humanities among the variety of approaches to knowledge generation" and reflexively understand "the forces which push it around" p. For Dixon , such a tendency may reflect a researcher bias towards these methods, especially because many people who get involved in data-intensive projects are computer scientists, and they are generally more familiar with such methods of inquiry.

Apart from that, such bias may also be related to the nature of the tools and results because the production of data and visualisation approaches have more in common with the hard sciences than with the humanities. As Dixon in the digital era. Because my project adopts a highly contextual perspective that seeks to understand football fan culture in a very specific and changing sociocultural setting, it is the deeper meanings attributed by fans to their practices that interest me.

So, I am more interested in using inductive approaches following the analysis of patterns. The interviews were particularly important for three main reasons. First, they were the best way I found to historically contextualise such communities. This is because many of these fans have been around for a very long time and were key informants who enabled me to understand the historical developments that led these online groups to their current distributed shape.

Second, these fans also provided valuable insights about how such cultures and the activities encompassed by them are organised today. And last, but not least, these fans were fundamental to shedding light on the meanings they attribute to the texts and discourses they produce. Lastly, Dixon , still grounded on pragmatism, stresses the iterative sense of the research cycle if his perspective is adopted -or a strategy that sounds like it is sequential, but it is rather recursive.

Patterns found in large data sets may be used again and again, in cycles of enquiry. Actually, some inspirational ideas I found in my data sets are discussed in the Conclusion of the thesis as future research agendas in this area that I was not able to approach here. Simmel, Organised supporters experience a distinct type of conviviality in the ordinary meetings at the headquarters or at the associated Samba Schools' courts and, because of that, they generally distinguish themselves from other types of supporter groups.

After approaching these formations and their traditional practices, I then turn to more contemporary collectivisms, which have arisen recently in the country and have been called elsewhere new supporting movements de Hollanda, et al. This chapter is grounded on in-depth interviews that I did with the fans behind such initiatives and in an analysis of the texts they have produced. Teixeira was also the Chief Executive of the Local Organising Committee of the World Cup and, pressured by new allegations and growing concerns with the preparations for the tournament, in an unexpected move, he resigned from both positions.

Many football observers highlighted the importance of the online fanbased ForaRicardoTeixeira campaign in helping to achieve what seemed impossible, especially just two years before the mega-event. Indeed, the campaign's significance led Brazilian cartoonists to illustrate the situation with drawings of Teixeira running away or hiding from Twitter birds Caracciolo, ;Coala, The ForaRicardoTeixeira campaign originally caught my attention because it was something rather different to the usual football supporters' initiatives in Brazil.

With a clear political agenda, football fans used the available technologies to organise themselves and demand Teixeira's departure. To a lesser extent, the fans also sought to question the way the national football sector is organised and the upcoming World Cup event Vimieiro, The campaign did not emerge in a vacuum; rather, it was part of a context of increasing debate over politics in sport, especially, football, in Brazil.

And I was interested in such controversial debates, which were proliferating and taking place in many social networks, including the microblogging website Twitter. But the most significant changes were in the fan practices surrounding and inside the 'arena'. In Brazil, there is a law that prohibits the sale of alcoholic beverages inside the stadiums. Therefore, it is a rather common practice to drink outside in pubs and on the streets and wait until the last minute before the game to get into the stadium.

Inside the 'arena', I noticed more changes. It was not a simple gentrification of the public even though that was also the case , but a!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! More women and families were there, people were better dressed and many supporters were carrying expensive mobile phones.

From to , devices were greatly improved in terms of functionalities. But not many of the football supporters attending matches in would have been able to pay for the most expensive phones available in the market. Galoucura is known for its popular formation, with many of its members coming from low-income regions of the Greater Belo Horizonte.

Nevertheless, many were carrying some of the most expensive and more functional gadgets, taking pictures and making videos during the whole match. And it is important to take into account how expensive electronic devices are in Brazil, especially because of the high importation rates adopted there. Brazil had, for instance, the most expensive iPhone 5s in the world when it was launched Fuentes, In short, it was a more affluent public, in an all-seater stadium, but even those that were part of the old audience were now behaving in a more 'respectable' way.

Of course, at that time, some researchers were already discussing the implications of the new arenas for Brazilian football culture see Barreto and Nascimento , for instance , so, I was aware of such changes. But it was at that moment that I saw, literally on the ground, how the Brazilian socio-economic changes of the last decade including the growing consumer culture among low-income supporters , along with technological transformations and the recent modifications in the football political economy including here, the adoption of FIFA standard arenas were dislocating football fans' ordinary practices.

Those controversies, which I was planning to analyse at first and are discussed in Chapter 3 , had become part of a more complex picture that I had started to see more clearly. As I already argued in the Introduction, such changes are similar to what took place in Europe after the publication of the Taylor Report in The creation of the Premier League in England in is generally seen as a significant moment in the transformation of football into a huge entertainment industry there.

However, Brazil has its own socio-political history and football political economy. The way the Brazilian football supporter cultures came to this particular development is peculiar to this country, to the history of its football industry which is distinct from the historical developments of other entertainment sectors , and to the interplay between these two broader context and singular context of football , particularly in this geographic context.

For instance, football cultures in Europe experienced deep political-economy transformations in the s, and today, in a different historical period, they are responding more clearly to technological changes in the modes of communication between individual fans, and between them and their clubs. In Brazil, these two processes are happening in a more confluent way and that is one of the reasons that both are analysed here as parts of such a conjuncture. This chapter discusses how this singular context is examined through the pages of this thesis.

In the following sections, I review the literature on football fandom, culminating in an argument that calls for more dialogue between sport and pop-culture fandom studies. My point here is similar to what others have already argued: the study of football supporters, in a media-saturated age, may benefit from more contemporary approaches in the media and communication field.

These approaches are already often adopted when it comes to other types of fandom. I then review the literature on popular culture fandom, and I finish the chapter discussing how a conjunctural perspective is an appropriate framework to analyse cultural practices, especially in the context of the Global South countries.

Football supporters have been studied from a sociological or cultural point of view since late in the s. Especially during the s and s, with the public concern with football hooliganism increasing in the UK, academics found large audiences interested in understanding this type of fan behaviour and sources of research funding, which made this period particularly fertile for this research area Giulianotti, ;Haynes, Most of the studies developed at that time, for clear reasons, examined violent fan groups.

Even though violence is still a frequently investigated theme in this field 9 , after the creation of the Premier League and the cultural reorganisation of European football in the s, many scholars turned to what Crawford , has called a 'resistance' approach. These studies have focused on the new social movements and groups with a more militant attitude toward clubs, teams, governing bodies and football leaders Brown, Brown, , Duke, ;Nash, Nash, , Below, I explore these two major foci of interest in football-fandom research.

For Haynes , football and its culture became objects of serious sociological enquiry with Ian Taylor's work aTaylor's work , b. Adopting a Marxist and 'new criminological' perspective, Taylor sought to comprehend the historical changes in the relationship between supporters and the game since the s. At that time, hooliganism had become a main public concern and Taylor situates the origins of such violence in the transition from a football culture grounded in working-class values to a market-oriented model that started to predominate in England in the post-war period.

Traditionally a male workingclass sport, football used to occupy a peculiar role in the proletarian life. Football was a space that allowed them to strengthen class-based identities and feel that their opinions mattered. This dynamic provided a type of 'participatory democracy' experience for fans within their clubs. However, with the increasing commercialisation, the traditional supporter bases, comprised mostly by the clubs' surrounding communities, were alienated from club-related decisions.

Vandalism, violence between gangs, and the provocation of police and rival supporters were, in this sense, consequences of the ongoing process of gentrification. For Taylor, rather than gratuitous outbursts, hooliganism was a type of resistance act, resulting from a deep rupture in football dynamics, caused in the first place by complex social and economic changes.

These changes had deepened football's commodification, with clubs shifting their "emphasis from satisfying existing 'supporters' to attracting modern 'spectators' or leisure 'customers'" Giulianotti, , p. For Giulianotti , the major weakness in Taylor's work was its lack of empirical grounding. Taylor has also been criticised for romanticising the conditions of the past Dunning, et al. According to Giulianotti , it is hard to believe Taylor's initial argument that working-class fans viewed clubs as 'participatory democracies' when football has been a serious business since at least the s: "directors have almost always protected their investments rather than pursue the fans' interests by over-spending on players or ground facilities" Giulianotti, , p.

On the other hand, both Giulianotti and Haynes highlight the importance of Taylor's critical observations regarding the changes in the relationship between supporters and the game. In particular, Taylor's analysis of football's commodification, and how spectacularisation, professionalisation and internationalisation were transforming the cultural organisation of football already in the s and s, provides significant evidence of the state of this industry during that period.

Adopting participant observation and in-depth interviews, they sought to provide a counterview to the stereotyped way that groups of youths were portrayed in the media. Football supporters were one of these groups, and Marsh and colleagues explored the internal order of this seemingly chaotic environment.

They ended up finding out that rival fans would intimidate one another, but that the threats would rarely be translated into action. Even though real violence would take place sometimes, according to Marsh and colleagues, the exchanges between rival fans would often be limited to ritualised threats and insults, especially to the opponent's masculinity Giulianotti, ;Marsh, et al.

The Oxford scholars argue that 'aggro' social aggravation is governed by particular 'rules of disorder', and that groups of football supporters have a well-structured internal hierarchy. Graduates, the group at the top of the pyramid, were the most respected members who had accumulated experience and no longer engaged into 'aggro' on a regular basis; those that would take care of the action were the Rowdies and they had beneath them the Little Kids or Novices, who would learn the rules and group dynamics with them.

Completing this highly structured organisation, there were the Chant Leaders and Nutters. Within these groups, deviant hooligans those who were interested in harming their opponents would indeed often be considered 'out of order' by their own peers Giulianotti, ;Marsh, et al. As Giulianotti argues, Marsh and his colleagues provided through their fieldwork a more complex understanding of how groups of fans involved in violent acts operate. However, the major issue with their work is their explanation of what causes 'aggro'.

Giulianotti is precise in his critique: Marsh! Supported by substantial funding from the former Social Science Research Council and the Football Trust, the group shared a common theoretical framework and research methods, and also found the same conclusions ones that proved Elias's point of view to be precise in explaining hooliganism. Indeed, the influence of the figurational perspective over their work was so strong that some critics have argued that "the Leicester research was conceived and designed simply to confirm rather than test Elias's standpoint" Giulianotti, , p.

Elias's theory of the civilising process, first published in the namesake book The Civilizing Process [] , is one of the founding works of figurational sociology. In this work, Elias establishes a connection between changes in individual discipline and changes in the wider social organisation over recent historical periods.

According to Elias, since the middle ages, Western Societies particularly England and France have witnessed an increase in self-restraint and in the capacity for calculated action that takes into account the long-term perspective Krarup, These changes are related to a complex set of broader socio-political conditions such as economic growth, expanded division of labour, state monopoly of taxation and violence, and social democratisation Dunning, et al.

These developments, above all the rise of the modern state, would have then played a central role in the civilising process, with implications for changes in the structures of personality. A new type of personality emerged within this environment, and this personality is the key to understanding the socio-genesis of the modern middle-class habitus. The increasing rationalisation of man, that is, the civilisation of man, accompanies a growing intolerance towards public acts of violence.

This intolerance is interrelated with developments in human conduct "where the more animal activities are progressively thrust behind the scenes of men's communal life and invested with feelings of shame" Krarup, , p. In describing this transition, Giulianotti remarks that Elias! The basic idea behind 'figuration' is that society is the network of active independent human beings forming a dynamic whole where power relations are fluid and in permanent flux.

As Krarup The civilising process refers then to this dynamic whereby human conduct has been more closely monitored and self-controlled, where there is more intolerance to aggression, and an increase in 'respectable' behaviour among distinct social strata. The anomalies along this process, such as violent revolutions, are called 'decivilising spurts' by Elias.

Such situations may temporarily reverse the civilising process, which remains incomplete, especially among the lower working classes. According to Giulianotti , the Leicester School used Elias's conceptual framework to explain football hooliganism in two main aspects: first, they examined how social attitudes towards violence at football matches have changed over time; and second, the researchers attributed fan violence per se to social groups that were not affected by the civilising process.

It is particularly suggestive the way they contextualised the peak of violence during the s: Giulianotti and Haynes list a series of critiques that the Leicester School has received over the years. For instance, scholars have pointed out the problematic connections established in the figurationists' work between lower working classes with 'rough' socialization and hooliganism. In this regard, other studies have found results that contradict such a simple association, demonstrating that groups from the lower working classes were not significantly involved in fan violence Armstrong, Also, Giulianotti Giulianotti , observes that many modern Scottish hooligans, called 'casuals', come from stable upperworking-class areas rather than poorer regions.

On the other hand, Elias's concept of a civilising process has also attracted strong criticism from being a teleological, ethnocentric and inaccurate point of view that misrepresents even the developments of Europe itself Goudsblom, Indeed, this interpretation has been criticised for providing an evolutionist perspective that implies that earlier or non-!

Furthermore, Giulianotti criticises the weakness of Elias's theory in ethnographic terms. In particular, the author indicates that the Leicester School did not make any attempt to employ the figurational approach at the everyday level.

Next, I explore another major focus of research interest in relation to football fandom that has succeeded the hooliganism studies: 'fan democracy' studies have emerged in a particular socio-historic context that I discuss in the next subsection.

The emergence of what may be called the 'fan democracy' line of studies into football fandom is related somehow to the developments of this industry in the s and s. In a nutshell, it is fair to say that the combination of chronic hooliganism and poor administration led English football to reach a critical situation in the public's eyes in the s Taylor, Television companies refused to deal with the game, and the annual match attendances touched rock bottom at around 17 million in , the lowest since Taylor, A series of football disasters, which includes the fire at the Bradford City stadium , the clashes between English and Italian fans in Heysel, Brussels , and the deadliest in the UK history, the Hillsborough disaster in Sheffield , corroborated the bad reputation the sport was gaining in England since the end of its golden age in the late s.

The disaster in Sheffield, at which 96 fans died and other were injured, resulted in a report, the Taylor Report , which is fundamental to understanding the reformulation of this industry and the rise of a myriad of supporter protest groups at club and national levels in the s Brown, After the tragedy, Lord Justice Taylor was appointed to conduct an inquiry into the events; his central conclusion was that the failure of police control was the main reason for the disaster.

The Taylor Report made recommendations regarding safety in sporting events, the most important of which was that stadiums should be converted so that all supporters had seats. At the time of the disaster, stadiums were designed in such a way that fans, especially in the cheapest areas, would stand during the matches. Such a recommendation, even though ultimately concerned with safety, was highly controversial. The football fan organisations that gave evidence to the Taylor inquiry opposed the model, and supporters and designers of safe standing areas even challenged the safety argument Brown, Despite the opposition to the new model, by the end of the season, all grounds in England became all-seater stadiums.

From the fans' point of view, the adoption of this new ground design resulted in a feeling of 'impotence' because of their lack of control over changes in the industry. As Brown This was the context that led to the formation of over 40 independent supporters' organisations at club level, two national supporters' bodies, a vast range of other grassroots protest groups and hundreds of football fanzines from to the mids Brown, ;Haynes, Besides the introduction of the all-seater model, the other main focus of such militant groups was the controversial actions of club chairmen.

However, even these initiatives were at some level connected to the modernisation and commercialisation of football in the s. As Brown contextualises, such an environment led and continues to lead clubs to make business-centred decisions in a desire to compete with the richest! According to Brown , even though the safety issue was at the heart of the Taylor Report, the feeling among football supporters was that the clubs were taking advantage of such an opportunity to modernise and revolutionise football, and football supporting.

Or in other words:! Brown is cited as an exponent of such an approach, as well as Haynes and Jary et al. Further, another potential difficulty is that those analysing football supporters are often members of the communities they are theorising about Crawford, Such affiliations may represent a particular issue in 'fan ethnographies', with researchers becoming too obsessed with their own subjective positions Jenkins, And, in being football supporters themselves, football academics would often over-romanticise the period of the game in which they grew up -many of them in early post-war Britain or the golden age of the sport in the country Crawford, Crawford's critiques are mostly precise and relevant.

For instance, other authors such as King , Williams and Dunning et al. Using Abercrombie and Longhurst's observations, Crawford points out weaknesses of this perspective: is mediated after all. Football scholars would be following such romanticisation, which has been implicated in a lack of comprehension about contemporary sport audiences.

Developing his argument toward sports-fandom research that is able to integrate the consumer culture into considerations about sports fans and their communities, Crawford , studies about other types of fandom have adopted a more complex model than sports-fandom studies have, as a way to understand fans and their communities in a media-saturated society. This relative theoretical 'delay' has to be contextualised, however. Schimmel and colleagues are able to help with their comparison between understandings of fans and fandom among sport and pop culture scholars.

Schimmel and colleagues argue in such work that sports-fan studies and pop-culture fan studies "have developed on different trajectories and to some extent in different areas of the academy" p. For Schimmel and colleagues, the level of collaboration and dialogue between those two traditions is very low even though they are studying similar phenomena.

Schimmel and colleagues also describe some of the differences between those two types of fandom, which, to some extent, explain why those two fields have developed through distinct pathways: In the next subsection, I discuss the developments of pop-culture fandom research as a way to promote and benefit from this dialogue. That is to say, even though popular-culture fandom studies adopted a performance approach before football-fandom studies, it has to be understood that it is not simply a matter of theoretical delay or just a result of a disjuncture with pop-culture fandom, and ultimately, cultural studies.

The football industry has its own historicity. Therefore, applying such a theoretical framework to it before the late s, for instance, would probably have constrained football-culture formations to the logic of the entertainment industry and audience-research scholarship.

At this time, the dynamics of the football industry and the relationships between supporters and the game were very different from those found in the pop-culture terrain. That is also true for the Brazilian media environment and aspects that this theoretical approach brings about, such as fluidity of identities, political consumerism and cosmopolitanism.

Regarding this point, a parallel could be established with observations made by Rajagopal when analysing TV audiences in India. For him, Western academics studying media reception have often assumed that aspects of capitalist modernity, such as liberal citizenship, apply to any context, although they only exist contradictorily or unevenly in developing nations.

This is why I adopt a perspective in this thesis that is useful for understanding fandom as a situated practice, deep-seated into social and cultural orders, and that is sensitive to the particular industry and country I am analysing. I discuss this perspective further in the last section of this chapter.

Research on pop culture has a longer history than sports-fandom studies Schimmel, et al. Early enquiries in this area, some dating back to the late s, focused on theatre audiences, readers of sentimental novels and music listeners see Allen, These works were all rather similar and the singular concern was the fans' ability to distinguish between what was 'reality' and the fictional content they were consuming.

According to Schimmel and colleagues , "this early research contributed to the ongoing marginalization of pop culture fans through construction of a public image of fans as out-of-touch loners, losers or lunatics" p. The first wave of enquiries approached the 'active audiences'and developed in direct connection with the work of the CCCS. This generation clearly adopted the resistance paradigm discussed earlier, and as Gray and colleagues assert, scholars such as Fiske Fiske [ and Jenkins Gray,!

Somehow, this would be the 'fandom is beautiful' phase, in which scholars were trying to defend fan communities from the stereotyped way they were portrayed in the mass media and by non-fans Gray, et al. With this concern, researchers turned to the very activities seen as pathological -conventions, fan fiction writing, fanzine editing and collection, letter writing campaigns -making an effort to redeem them as creative and productive. What accelerated a change in the way pop culture was approached was a historical turn, particularly in the media markets.

For Gray and colleagues , the movement from an era of broadcasting to one of narrowcasting, and the subsequent centrepiece occupied by fans in this deregulated media market, transformed the way fans were seen by the public: no longer a caricature and actually a "specialized yet dedicated consumer" p. As Gary and colleagues put it, "rather than ridiculed, fan audiences are now wooed and championed by cultural industries" p.

Scholars such as Harris and Jancovich analysed how objects and practices of fandom were structured through our habitus, and how they reflected our social, cultural and economic capitals. These studies investigated the ways in which social and cultural hierarchies were replicated within fan cultures, which were no longer spaces of cultural autonomy and resistance.

As Gray and colleagues explain The last generation, the current one, has closely followed the Bourdieusian wave, and has reflected the widespread nature of fandom practices to far beyond the tightly organised participants described above all in the first generation and the increasing entrenchment of fan consumption in the structure of our everyday lives. These more recent studies have changed the goalposts of enquiry, broadening the analytic scope to a wide range of different audiences Gray, et al.

As Gray and colleagues explain, this is especially an empirical shift, which has turned pop-culture fan studies into an increasingly diverse field in conceptual, theoretical and methodological terms. Remaining conscious of the teleological risk of creating a single masternarrative of fan research, Gray and colleagues suggest that if there is a meaningful way to connect the current diverse studies in this area it is by the very idea that "fandom has emerged as an ever more integral aspect of lifeworlds in global capitalism, and an important interface between micro and macro forces of our time" p.

In this sense, we could assume that the singular point of contact of such a contrasting body of literature is that it "focuses on the normalization of media consumption in everyday life, and the meaning of fan identities in processes of cultural and economic globalization" Schimmel, et al. Even more importantly here is the idea forwarded by Gray and colleagues that fandom, in this last generation of studies, is less of a transhistorical phenomenon and more of a situated practice, deep-seated into social and cultural orders.

Along with the distinct communication model adopted in pop-culture research, this is probably another point that could be translated into the football-fandom field. The way these two aspects are absorbed here is the topic of the last part of this chapter. The separation that has characterised the historical developments of the fandom traditions discussed above has been implicated in two particular constraints for football-fandom research.

As they explain, before this, Marxist-influenced approaches to the study of sport and society had been adopted in a more structuralist way in the wake of the cultural and political radicalism of the mid-to late s, and in a neo-! Marxist fashion, where classical Marxist categories such as the labour process and alienation were applied to analyse the limits and possibilities of resistance and transformation from the late s to the mids.

This strand of work is important because somehow here I take inspiration from the same sources than those scholars to propose a conjunctural analysis that recognises the importance of maintaining a grounded and engaged critique of relations of power in sport at the same time that gives double-attention to the superstructure, i. When discussing the future of cultural studies, Grossberg explores the notion of conjuncture. Because of the great importance of this concept for the emergence of cultural studies as a project, I draw on it to some extent in my analysis of the Brazilian context.

The notion of conjuncture is significant here because it reveals the particular practice of contextualism adopted in cultural studies and it is not commonly used in football-fandom research. This practice of contextualism often "involves a location within and an effort at the diagnosis of a conjuncture, that is a focus on the social formation as a complexly articulated unity or totality" Grossberg, , p. Following his argument, Grossberg Grossberg asserts that a conjunctural analysis "looks to the changing configuration of forces that occasionally seeks and sometimes arrives at a balance or temporary settlement" , p.

When I mentioned, in the beginning of this chapter, that I had planned to analyse football-related controversies on social network sites, there was no real conjuncture at stake at that point. I was looking at events and analysing them as separate units. But, as Grossberg highlights:"contextualism dictates that an event is not anything by itself" Grossberg, , p.

In this regard, football has occupied a similar position to that occupied by popular culture in post-war Britain. However, I am not arguing here that the size and characteristics of the Brazilian conjuncture are the same as that of the UK in the s, nor that football is the only field playing such role.

This conjuncture will be explored in the next chapters, when the specific ways that people have negotiated and renegotiated the configurations of modernity and postmodernity in Latin America, and in Brazil in particular, will become clearer. Another point to be explored here is the ideological approach that permeates the works of the CCCS.

As I asserted above, using Crawford's Crawford's , criticisms of the resistance paradigm, power relations are increasingly complex and it has become difficult to talk of a central power axis, or to use Crawford's expression, top-down zero-sum notions of power. Here, hegemony, which was one of the concepts that enabled the analysis done by Hall and colleagues in Policing the Crisis, is not of such central importance.

But still in this regard, the concentrations and accumulations of power are not ignored, especially because they are overexpressed in the football industry. To perform such materialistic analysis, I look at the political economy of this sector and its historical developments as a way to outline some of the economic, political and social conditions of this conjuncture.

One of my main concerns here is to explore such a formation in relation to the broader social setting of the Brazilian society, which is largely unknown by scholars outside Latin America and is fundamental to A conjunctural approach also substantiates my point, particularly where it opposes Crawford's argument.

Crawford Crawford , assumes, at some level, that any modern-day sports culture will be characterised by aspects that distinguish postmodern forms of sociability. He investigates a group of supporters -ice hockey fans in England -that has a historical specificity, and, therefore, his attempt to generalise such realities ends up losing sight of the context of formation of such communities.

As Canclini , p. Further to this point, take the notion that the composition of a community of supporters may change over time, with fans showcasing distinct patterns of support over a lifetime and being members of more than one community. This behaviour illustrates the fluidity and temporality, concepts mentioned above, which Crawford brings from the pop culture and audience research area and that are ultimately related to a postmodern framework of analysis.

Regarding this particular point, it is not that such patterns do not apply in some way to football fans, who, certainly, follow their teams at different levels of intensity over time. However, such fluidity is relative in most countries that have football as the dominant sports code. There is, for instance, a popular saying in Brazil that you may change your name, your address, your religion, your wife it is a male-dominated culture , but you do not change your football club. It is something you have with you forever and, indeed, many people in Brazil are buried in their football jerseys or with club flags.

In this sense,Canclini's concept of hybrid cultures may assist approaching realities that do not exactly obey the changes observed in the so-called transition between modernity and postmodernity. And it is important to note that! And, for instance, in the developments of football culture in Brazil, you find the socio-genesis of such a strong sense of loyalty in the emergence of the factory clubs in the early s -they are discussed in Chapter 3.

And this loyalty was incorporated in the mythology of football fan cultures in such a way that, even today, the worst category that you may fall into, as a football fan, is the vira-folha the one who changes their club. Or, in other words, it is essential to understand each context and identify in which way our research subjects do not exactly follow the theoretical framework that we bring to the discussion. So, lastly, I would argue that as much as the scholars that he criticises, including the Marxist works of Ian Taylor Taylor, a Taylor, , b, the more socio-psychological research of Peter Marsh and colleagues Marsh, et al.

I also explored the fandemocracy studies, associating the empirical turn to social movements and groups of fans with a militant attitude to the developments of the European football industry in the s and s. After that, I argued, along with Crawford Crawford , and Schimmel and colleagues , that building a bridge between the two streams of fandom studies that focus on sport and pop culture may benefit both areas.

In particular, I proposed that an approximation of communication and cultural studies is necessary in the football-fandom studies terrain as a way to incorporate two fruitful points. First is the inclusion of more contemporary approaches to media and communication in our research agendas.

Second is the adoption of that radical contextualism and conjuncturalism, singular marks of cultural studies that seem fundamental for an understanding of fandom as a situated practice, deepseated into social and cultural orders. The next chapter starts to present the conjuncture under analysis here: I explore the political economy of football in historical terms, stressing the conflictual nature of the current way that football is organised in Brazil.

The football industry involves a variety of actors -such as clubs, sponsors, media companies, governing bodies, players, supporters and government officials -and their distinct types of mutual relations. However, this industrialised version is only one face of a sport that originated from medieval games and has changed dramatically, especially since the s, when this market-oriented model started to take shape.

This chapter discusses the historical developments that led football from its early modern version, as practised in the late 19th century inside the English public-education system, to its current industrialised variant. I start by drawing a parallel between the developments of this sport in England and in Brazil, and later in the chapter, I focus on the recent changes in the organisation of the Brazilian domestic sector.

The central argument here is that Brazil is witnessing in 21st century especially in the second decade what could be called a hypercommodification period Giulianotti,

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